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body under its influence, all the members of society, will suffer.

The people the voters-choose the rulers, and are therefore responsible for the manner in which the government is carried on. From this fact sev

eral important consequences flow.

If a man votes for a bad ruler, he does what he can to injure himself, his family, his neighbors and his country; because, in voting for a bad ruler, a freeman votes for bad government.

If a freeman stays away from the polls, and refuses or neglects to vote, he neglects one of the greatest and highest duties. He belongs to a country with a representative government: a government in which all ought to be represented-the high and low, the rich and poor, the learned and unlearned, the wise and simple. If the people refuse to vote, the great design of our government fails: the people are not represented, and therefore we have a government of a part, and not a government of the whole.

And beside this, if a man refuse to vote, how can he be sure that bad men will not assemble at

the polls, and put in bad rulers? He who stays away from the polls is answerable for all the evil consequences which may follow from his neglect.

A man is bound to use the same good judgment -the same common sense, in acting for the people, as in acting for himself. A man is bound to use the same vigilance, in acting for his country, as in acting for himself. A man is bound to be as honest, in acting for his country, as in acting for himself. And, now, as votes are put into the hands of the people of this country, thus giving them power of good and ill, of life and death, over lib

erty and good government, shall they ever neglect or refuse to use this power? Shall the American freeman abuse this power? Shall he be dishonest in the use of this power? Shall he ever act, in a matter of vital importance to his country, without the good sense, or the honest purpose, that he admits should guide him in the affairs of common life?

This is a matter which I press upon my young friends with earnestness, for there is a sad looseness in society, both of thought and action, respecting politics. Some persons have held the creed that "all is fair in politics;"and it is to be feared that this wicked and vicious maxim is partially adopted in action by many persons who are hardly aware of it.

Among the evidences of this corruption of the public mind, we may remark that many persons feel that they may vote to gratify their own personal feelings; many carry to the polls their personal prejudices, leaving their patriotism at home; they vote to satisfy some grudge or some whim; some friendship or some hate; they vote to effect a personal, not a patriotic object. All these are abuses of the high trust and noble privilege placed in the hands of voters.

It is the bounden duty of every freeman at the polls to discard such unworthy motives; to look, with singleness of heart and honesty of purpose, to consequences; and to cast his ballot for his country, and not for himself. Such, indeed, will be the case with every noble and upright mind-every mind worthy of a freeman's privilege; every mind that is not bowed down to the idol of party, and not the ignominious slave of selfish and narrow personal feeling.

In order to contend successfully with the sinister influences which attend us all in the field of politics, I know of no better lesson than this-let us study the character of Washington, and seek to make him our model. Let us study the fathers of the revolution, and emulate their patriotic example -their sacrifice of self to their country.

5. Among the duties of citizens, the last I shall notice, is the obligation to observe and support the laws. As I have shown, in the early part of this work, every law is designed to protect us in some of our rights and enjoyments; and though each law be a restraint upon absolute liberty, yet it is for the interest of each and all to support the laws. Every man who violates a law, not only does injustice or inflicts injury, either public or private, but he sets an evil example, and thus does a mischief to the whole community. He not only does a particular wrong, but his conduct tends to break down the fabric of government, and to render all our rights and privileges insecure.

A violation of law is therefore a great wrong, and every good citizen should beware of it. It may be said, indeed, that a law may be unjust and oppressive-and the question will be asked, shall such a law be observed? To this we reply, that an unjust and oppressive law is not morally binding upon us. Still, in a free country like ours, when we find a law upon the statute book, we have reason to believe that it is both just and salutary; and we ought not to resist it, until after very mature deliberation, ample public discussion, and the trial and failure of all the ordinary modes of effecting changes in legislation.

I have but one thing more to add—and that respects the manner in which all political discussions should be conducted. In the first place, there should be a strict observance of good breeding; there should be no ungentlemanly contradictions; no imputation of bad motives. There should be no heat of words or manner; no display of anger. All should be done in coolness and kindness.

In the second place, there should be perfect fairness. In making statements, the one who offers them should take the utmost care to see and know that they are true: and, in the next place, only such inferences or arguments should be deduced from facts as are perfectly legitimate. By fair discussions, conducted in a gentlemanly way, the truth may be advanced; but no good can flow from angry disputes, or from disingenuous controversy.

Let it be ever borne in mind by my readers that it never can be the interest of an inquirer to be cheated or duped: therefore truth is the first object to him. Let it be also remembered, that, with an honorable mind, the first question in respect to any statement, always is this-is it true?—and no man, who is worthy of being called a man, will condescend to use a statement, either in making up his own mind, or in attempting to exercise an influence upon others, till he knows that it is true.

Those who will use falsehood for party or political purposes or who will use that which they do not know to be true, are alike base and contemptible in the light of religion and honor. A political falsehood or trick is as bad as any other, and even worse, for it imports mischief to the whole community.

APPENDIX.

A

DECLARATION OF RIGHTS

CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER 14, 1774.

WHEREAS, Since the close of the last war, the British Parlia ment, claiming a power of right to bind the people of America by statutes in all cases whatsoever, hath in some acts expressly imposed taxes on them, and in others, under various pretences, but in fact for the purpose of raising a revenue, hath imposed rates and duties payable in these colonies, established a Board of Commissioners, with unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdiction of Courts of Admiralty, not only for collecting the said duties, but for the trial of causes merely arising within the body of a county:

And whereas, in consequence of other statutes, judges, who before held only estates at will in their offices, have been made dependent on the crown alone, for their salaries, and standing armies kept in times of peace; and whereas, it has lately been resolved in Parliament, that by force of a statute, made in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of King Henry the VIII., colonists may be transported to England, and tried there, upon accusations for treasons and misprisions, or concealments, of treasons committed in the colonies, and by a late statute, such trials have been directed in cases therein mentioned:

And whereas, in the last session of Parliament, three statutes were made; one entitled, 'An act to discontinue, in such manner, and for such time, as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading, or shipping of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town, and within the harbor, of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay in North America ;' another entitled, An act for the better regulating the government of the province of Mas. sachusetts Bay in New England;' and another entitled, An act for the impartial administration of justice, in the cases of persons questioned for any act done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England:' and another statute was then made, for making more effectual provision for the govern

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