pecially in the production of silk, and for the education of intelligent laborers, of which our farmers stand so greatly in need. Finally, the laws which authorize the establishment of some branch lines of railway, which guarantee an interest on the capital that may be destined for the laying of a sub-marine cable from Panama to Perù, will augment our productions and draw closer the links which bind us to other nations. In order to arrive conveniently at this last object, so much in harmony with our feelings, with our ideas, and with our advantage, numerous international treaties have merited your approbation. Among them may be distinguished, for its importance to our prosperity and credit, the conventions celebrated by Portugal to settle the conditions which civilization and justice demand in the Asiatic immigration, with which most essential object the government, from the very first days of its advent to power, has carried on grave diplomatic correspondence, which shall regulate the proceedings of Peruvian commerce with the nations of the East. Nor can we look for less important results from the law which determines the organization of the army on the plan of conscription and active service of short duration, which will make this contribution more general and its burdens lighter. The execu tive is as anxious as is the Congress about the organization of our army, not only at present in the choice of worthy chiefs and officers, but also in the future, by opening the military college to young officers whose devotion to study is a guarantee of the hopes that may be formed of them. The very contrast which the credit of the military institution had to suffer in the bitter days of July has disposed the minds of its chiefs to elevate it anew, of which daily testimony is given in discipline in barracks and in the defense of the institutions. The executive is waiting to see the new municipalities established, to dismiss a part of the actual army and then raise it to its legal strength by conscription. Lastly, the religious question which originated in the illegal appointment of an archbishop for Lima, and which threatened to assume most alarming proportions, has been simply solved, thanks to the delicate prudence with which you treated it and the paternal hearing given to our representation by the Father of the Faithful, with a benevolence which has even more increased the sentiments of respect and affection entertained toward him in our country. Your last word has been one of pardon and oblivion for the faults of all; let us hope to see with this the sacrifice of every passion on the triple altars of the peace, the honor, and the happiness of our country. Legislators, such is the resumé of your more important labors. They now permit you to return to your homes, leaving the republic in a very different position to that in which you found her. Men's minds are calm in the full enjoyment of their liberties; peace is assured as it never was before in Peru, and assured by the conviction of the popular will and not by force; the more important questions of policy and administration have been settled; the confidence of commerce and industry in the future is restored. The republic therefore offers to-day every symptom of peace, certainty in her present, and hope in her future resources. Your ideas and sentiments being identical with those of the executive power, the laws you have made is the programme of my government. In this great work I count, as I have hitherto done, on the support of the people, and I hope and wish for the help of well-meaning men of all parties. May Providence, which has inspired the people of Peru with the sentiments of peace, which has guided you in your arduous but glorious task in the path of justice and publie profit, continue its omnipotent protection to my government in carrying out your measures, however numerous may be the thorns strewn in my path. If the former constitute your glory, the latter will be mine; both are almost always necessary for the salvation of nations. MANUEL PARDO. No. 43.] XXVII-RUSSIA. Mr. Schuyler to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, St. Petersburg, Dec. 21, 1872. (Rec'd Jan. 16, 1873.) SIR: After the almost complete inaction here in political affairs, several subjects have suddenly come up which produce considerable commotion in government circles. There is a difficulty between England and Russia with regard to Central Asia. The conquests of Russia in Central Asia have been made, so far, from unavoidable necessity, and often in spite of the strict orders of the government. It has always been necessary in dealing with the half-civilized countries and tribes who inhabit what was formerly called Independent Tartary to preserve the prestige of the Russian arms and the Russian authority. There have been constant difficulties and constant attacks on Russia by these countries. Russian merchants and officers have been taken prisoners, have been tortured and held in strict captivity by the Central Asiatic Khanates, and each successive general has felt that he must punish these outrages and cause the Russian name to be respected. But, to put a limit to these incursions and difficulties, it was resolved to join the frontiers of Orenburg and Siberia by a line that could be easily defended, and in following out this design, Turkistan and Tchemkent were taken in 1864. General Tchunagef, who was in command, advanced still further and took Tashkent in 1865, which led to further difficulties, for it imposed on Russia a conquest she did not desire, and rendered subsequent operations almost a necessity. Tchernagef was removed and succeeded by General Romanofsky, who, contrary to strict orders, was forced by the holy war to become active, and took Khodzheht. He was recalled in disgrace, and General Kryzhanofsky, the gov ernor-general of Orenburg, took command and captured Ara Tubé and Dzhizak in 1866, to strengthen himself on the line of the Syr Darya, (Jaxartes.) Turkistan was then (1867) made a separate province under the command of General Kaufmann, who gave a solemn promise not to advance, and Kryzhanofsky remained at Orenburg. In spite of this General was compelled to take the field in the spring of 1869, and captured Samarcand, reducing Bukhara almost to the condition of a vassal province. The conquests of General Kaufmann were held at first temporarily, but were finally accepted and incorporated into the empire. The Khan Kokan, who had always been hostile to Russia, now became quite friendly and allowed Russian merchants and Russian trade free access to his dominions. With the capture of Tashkent, Russian trade in Central Asia very greatly increased, and the importance was at once seen of securing the country as a market for Russian manufacturers, and of keeping out English trade. The trade of Kashgar and Yarkand, and of Eastern Turkistan, was especially coveted, but it was the policy of Jakul-Beg, the Atalik Ghazee, the chief who had just wrested the country from Chinese rule, to keep out the Russians. After many difficulties the Russian measures have been at last so successful that very advantageous commercial treaties have, within the last few months, been concluded both with Kokan and Kashgar. The point where the Russian policy has least prospered is Khiva. This khanate has remained continually hostile; the release of Russian prisoners has been refused, Russian caravans have been attacked and plundered, and the Turkomans and Khirgheez have been incited to insurrection and hostility. Every overture of Russia has been rejected. In order better to be able to take active measures the Russians, about two years ago, occupied and fortified Krasnovodsk, on the east side of the Caspian. Expeditions were sent out from time to time, nominally to keep the Kirgheez in order, but really to feel and explore the country. Finally, this last summer, an expedition was sent against Khiva. Colonel Markesoff traversed the steppes without difficulty and got near to the city, where he was attacked by the Khivan troops, and owing to his negligence and contempt for the enemy he was cut off, lost his camels and horses, and was obliged to retreat with his command. The news of this disaster has just arrived, and has caused considerable agitation. At a council held on Tuesday, at which the Emperor presided, it was resolved to send out a strong expeditionary force against Khiva, and the question now under discussion is about the plan and route. Three separate expeditions are proposed: one from Tashkent, one from Orenburg, and one from Krasnovodsk. It is said that the Grand Duke Michael, with part of the army from the Caucasus, will join the expedition from Krasnovodsk. It is said that the vote in the council stood 35 for the capture of Khiva to 9 against it. Prince Gortchacow was in the minority, believing that it would be better to punish Khiva than to capture it. In the mean time the English have been taking alarm. There has been for some time an agitation in the press, and in especial from those interested in India, that it would be necessary to put a stop to the Russian advance in Central Asia, before the Russian and English territories become conterminous and India was endangered. It was proposed at one time that Russia and England should agree on lines beyond which they would make no conquests; but this was found impossible. An idea to form a belt of neutral states and turn Afghanistan into a sort of Switzerland was equally chimerical. Others proposed the stronger and more dangerous measure of conquering Afghanistan. The English government long resisted these clamors, allowing things to take their course, even repulsing the advances of the Emir of Khiva. At last, however, England has decided on action, and about three weeks ago sent a note to the government of the Emperor, in substance that she would recognize as the northern boundary of Afghanistan the river Amu-Darya (Oxus) from Kerki to the source, and that on any infringement of this boundary she would allow the ruler of Afghanistan to make war on Russia, and eventually assist him. The country in question includes the provinces of Vakhan and Badakshan, which are claimed by and belong to Bukhara, but pay a small tribute to the Emir of Cabul. Through them goes a high road to Kashgar and Yarkand, which is of great importance to Russia for commercial purposes, and there is also a pass through the mountains into Cashmere. Here is, in fact, a key to India. The Russian answer was discussed at the council of Tuesday, and was sent off yesterday by special messenger, and an extra English courier went at the same time with important dispatches. I understand that the answer of the Russian government is soft but evasive. They say that they wish to be on friendly terms with England, and not to have any difficulties on this subject; that it is greatly to the advantage of the two countries to act together in Asia, and to have a good understanding. They disclaim any intention of conquest in this region, but at the same time deny any right of Afghanistan to these provinces, though admitting that a small tribute is paid, but assert that they belong to their ally, the Emir of Bukhara. Nothing was said in the English note about Khiva, and it is not the intention of the English government to contest that. It is hardly believed here that England will maintain her demands to the end, or will run the risk of an Asiatic war to enforce them. I have, &c., EUGENE SCHUYLER. No. 50.] No. 332. Mr. Schuyler to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, St. Petersburg, January 8, 1873. (Received February 7.) SIR: I am now in a position to inform you more exactly of the details of the negotiations between England and Russia, of which I spoke in my dispatch No. 43. It appears that Mr. Forsyth was sent here in 1869, by the British government, to endeavor to come to some arrangement with the Russian government with regard to the extent of their conquests in Central Asia and their ultimate limit. After some negotiation it was agreed that so long as Russia respected the boundaries of Afghanistan, or rather the dominion of the Emir of Cabul, Shere Ali Khan, for so long the Indian government would restrain Shere Ali Khan from attacking or interfering with Russia. It was at first proposed that the dominions of Shere Ali Khan should be considered those which he inherited from his father, Dost Mohammed Khan, but an additional condition was made that they should be now in Shere Ali's actual possession. This result was come to without much difficulty; but when the question arose, What are the provinces which the Shere Ali received from Dost Mohammed, and of which he has actual possession? there were divergencies of opinion, and especially with reference to Badakhshan and Vakhan. It was finally decided to refer this question to General Kaufmann, the Russian governor-general of Turkestan, who, being near the spot, could have access to more accurate sources of knowledge. General Kaufmann having made no report, and a note addressed by Sir Andrew Buchanan, the British embassador here, to Prince Gortchacow in November, 1871, remaining without a satisfactory answer, Earl Granville, in a dispatch dated October 17, 1872, informed Lord Augustus Loftus, the present British embassador, of this state of facts, and stated further that, having heard nothing more from the Russian cabinet, the British government had used its own methods of investigation, and had come to the conclusion that Badakhshan and Vakhan were part of the dominions of Shere Ali left to him by Dost Mohammed, and that the northern boundary of Afghanistan begins at Lake Sari-kul, the source of the river Pavja, the main branch of the Amu-Darya or Oxus, runs thence along the river Pavja to its confluence with the Koktehas, and thence along the Oxus or Amu-Darya to Khodja-Sala, and thence southwesterly to a point at or near Puli-Hatun, on the well-known Persian boundary, including Meimana and two or three other disputed provinces. Earl Granville further said that the Indian government had communicated this conclusion to the Emir of Cabul, and had informed him that he might consider himself at liberty to defend himself in case the territories south of this line should be invaded by Russia. Lord Augustus Loftus was instructed to communicate this dispatch to the Russian government. The reply of the Russian government consists of a dispatch from Prince Gortchacow to Count Brunnow, the Russian embassador at London, dated December 7-19, 1872, inclosing a report by General Kaufmann and another by Colonel Struve, who had been delegated by him to study the question. Prince Gortchacow, after referring to a previous dispatch on the same subject of the preceding year, speaks of a desire of the imperial government to have nothing but the most frank and cordial relations and explanations with the British cabinet, and of the advantage it will be to both powers that their relations in Central Asia be placed on the firm footing of a mutual good understanding. He then excuses General Kaufmann for not reporting sooner, on the ground of the disturbed relations of the countries in Central Asia, and the fact that it is impossible to obtain accurate information except from persons who are on the spot; and that he has not wished to send agents to Badakhshan, even on a scientific mission, for fear that his action might be misinterpreted by the British cabinet as well as by the native government. The Prince then refers to the reports by General Kaufmann and Colonel Struve for such information as they have been able to gather on the facts of the case. As to the provinces on the northwest frontier of Afghanistan, as they are separated from Russia by large deserts and wastes, he will waive any question and will accept the English assertion that they belong to Afghanistan, but he denies that Badakhshan and Vakhan are now in the actual possession of Shere Ali Khan, or were inherited by him from Dost Mohammed Khan. It is true, the Prince says, that Dost Mohammed on one occasion interfered in the affairs of Badakhshan in consequence of an intrigue in the family of the reigning Emir, and for a money consideration supported one claimant against the other and maintained him on the throne; but the Prince soon refused to pay the money, and Dost Mohammed was unable to enforce its collection. He never occupied Badakhshan by his troops, nor maintained officers there. In the same way, in 1867, Shere Ali was called in by Mahmud Shah, the nephew of Jahandar Shah, the reigning Emir. Jahandar Shah was deposed and Mahmud Shah put in his place, who promised to pay a yearly sum of money to the Afghans. This payment he has now refused to make, and the Afghans, though much stronger in the point of actual force, have been unable to collect, and exercise no authority of any kind in Badakhshan. Jahandar Shah, who had taken refuge in Shagnan, is now intriguing with the Afghans to be reinstated, and promises, in his turn, a tribute in recompense. This information was obtained from a former minister of the Emir of Balkh, an Afghan feudatory. There is nothing to show that Vakhan is a feud. atory of Badakhshan, as it neither pays tribute por supports officials, and it is certainly not an Afghan dependency. Since this dispatch of Prince Gortchacow, which, with the inclosures, was communicated to Earl Granville, there has been no new exchange of notes between the two governments, but Count Schouvaloff, the director of the secret police, has gone to London on a mission connected with this question. I can only add that the geography and political condition of Badakh shan and Vakhan are inshrouded in the deepest darkness, and hardly two geographers agree on the subject. As I stated in my previous dispatch, the question of Khiva is officially ignored by the British cabinet. In the mean time the Russians are pushing their preparations for an active campaign, partly in consequence of the disagreeable intelligence that 15,000 Khivans are roving over the steppes between the Caspian and Aral Seas, plundering the friendly Kirghiz and exciting them to rebellion, and threatening the forts on the Emba, and even Orenburg itself, and the post-road to Tashkent. General Kaufmann, who will have chief command of the expedition, is still here, and will not leave before the 20th January. He is waiting to consult with the Grand Duke Michael, who is expected shortly. The expedition will consist in all of about 9,000 men and 40 guns, and will be divided into three columns: one starting from Kramovodsk, on the Caspian, will go direct to Khiva by the nearest route across the steppe; one will |