go along the old caravan-road from Orenburg, and the third, under General Kaufmann in person, will proceed from fort No. 1, on the Syr Darya, through the country east of the Aral Sea. Each will carry its provis ions, forage, &c. They will probably start about the middle of March. The Grand Duke Nicholas, son of Constantine, will take part in the expedition. I have, &c., EUGENE SCHUYLER. No. 58.] No. 333. Mr. Schuyler to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, St. Petersburg, January 29, 1873. (Received Feb. 27.) SIR: The violent tone of the English press on the Central Asian question and the consequent agitation here have induced the government to publish a communication on the negotiations in the official journal, of which I inclose a translation herewith. From all that I can learn, Count Schouvaloff, while in England, used all his efforts to bring about some sort of an arrangement between the two cabinets, and it looks now as though the Russian government would even be willing to appear convinced by the English arguments and yield the points at issue. The English cabinet is very anxious to come to an agreement as soon as possible, and gain at least the appearance of a victory in order to present something to Parliament to counterbalance the defeats in the arbitration on the Alabama, San Juan, and Delagoa Bay questions. Whichever way the controversy may be settled, Russia will, I think, be the real gainer. If she refuses to admit the northern boundary of Afghanistan, as the English claim it, England can only continue to reassert what she has already said, and prepare to defend Afghanistan whenever the Russian cabinet choose to precipitate matters, and it will, of course, select the time most inconvenient to England. If, on the other hand, Russia is willing to agree that all south of the Oxus belongs to Afghanistan, she is able to show to the people of Central Asia that England is pursuing a common policy with her and has agreed to divide Asia with her. Either way is bad for England. The restrictions on the Russian press have been in part removed, and the papers are beginning to print articles conceived in the spirit of the official communication, all of them blaming English public opinion for being so excitable and violent on insufficient grounds, and calling the whole thing an intrigue against the present administration. I have, &c., EUGENE SCHUYLER. [From the Government Messenger.] But a short time ago it was possible to remark with satisfaction the calm, sound judgments and the moderate tone of the majority of the English press with regard to affairs in Central Asia. We now see with some astonishment that this question has of late been treated very tharply in the English papers. It is impossible to say whether this persevering attitude is based on anything real, and whether it truly represents the impressions of public opinion, or whether the English press is led on by party spirit and the desire of gaining popularity. But in any case it is necessary to declare that the English press has no reason for consecrating special attention to Central Asian affairs. The negotiations between the imperial and the British cabinets with regard to the affairs of Central Asia are nothing new. They arose fully three years ago and have constantly had a very simple and friendly character, which has not changed up to the present time. From the very beginning there has been a full agreement between the two cabinets with regard to their mutual mode of action in Central Asia for the maintenance of peace there, and also for keeping good relations between themselves. They have equally come to an agreement with regard to their mode of action on each subject for carrying out this peaceful aim. It remained only to fix its bounds, a problem by no means easy in view of the disturbances which have reigned till now in these littleknown countries. The exchange of ideas which is taking place between the two cabinets has no other end in view; and we must once more repeat that it has the most friendly character. There is no essential difference in the views of the two cabinets. There is no doubt that when the end in view has been once agreed on, it will be very easy for them to agree on the practical application of a principle which equally interests both sides. No. 334. Mr. Schuyler to Mr. Fish. [Extract.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, No. 61.] St. Petersburg, February 4, 1873. (Received Feb. 27.) SIR: The difficulty between England and Russia has been completely settled, as I intimated in my dispatch No. 58 was probable, by the adhesion of Russia to the English views. Mr. Michell returned from London on Tuesday last with a dispatch from Lord Granville, expressed in very mild and conciliatory language, which repeated the views stated in the original dispatch of October last and added arguments in favor of their justice. When the English dispatch was handed to Prince Gortchacow he told Lord Augustus Loftus that he need have no apprehensions, and two days later he informed him that he had sent a dispatch to Count Brunnow acknowledging the Oxus as the northern boundary of Afghanistan. Although this seems a diplomatic victory for Great Britain, I very much doubt whether it will prove so in reality. Evidently Prince Gortchacow would not have yielded so easily if he had not seen some advantage in doing so. It is of course for the Russian interest to show the minor Khanates of Central Asia that England and Russia are no longer in opposition, and that all they can hope for will be what Russia will choose to grant them. At the same time, England, by making herself in a measure responsible for the actions of Afghanistan, has practically brought her frontiers nearer to those of Russia, and it will be possible at any time for the Russians, if so disposed, to excite troubles on the border which will lead to blame of the Afghans, to mutual recrimination and to eventual difficulties. If I am not much mistaken, this agreement will be violently attacked in the approaching session of Parliament. The rumors about a secret treaty with Persia, ceding territory, and of difficulties excited by the Russians in Afghanistan, evidently rest on no foundation. I have, &c., EUGENE SCHUYLER. No. 62.] No. 335. Mr. Schuyler to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, St. Petersburg, February 17, 1873. (Received March 12.) SIR: The London Times of the 13th, which arrived this morning, has the full text of the recent correspondence between the Russian and English governments on the subject of Central Asian affairs. This corre spondence, which I inclose, (marked A to G,) fully bears out what I have before written to you about the negotiations. It is evident that Count Schouvaloff, on his visit to London, must have made known to Earl Granville that Russia was ready to come to an agreement with England if only the way were smoothed for her, which will account for the conciliatory and, in some respects, weak tone of Earl Granville's dispatch of January 24, (F,) as compared with the firm dispatch of October 17, (A.) It would, perhaps, have been better for English interests if Lord Granville had been content to rest the matter with his first dispatch and consider it as settled without asking for any consent on the part of Russia. But as the interests of civilization demand order in the countries of Central Asia, if panies can be allayed in England by an agreement which implicitly allows Russia to do as she chooses north of the Oxus, it is well that such an agreement has been arrived at. You will notice that Prince Gortchacow, in his last dispatch, (G,) lays much stress on the engagement of the English government to keep Afghanistan quiet. This engagement may yet bring England into great difficulties. The passage in Lord Granville's dispatch of January 8, (E,) in which he expresses a wish to avoid discussion in Parliament on the proposed agreement, occasions much surprise. Count Schouvaloff appears to have given assurances that it was the Emperor's wish not to occupy Khiva permanently, but his language is ambiguous, and he does not specify whether it is the territory or the town of Khiva which will not be occupied. It will be easy for the Russian government to find reasons of necessity for occupying Kungrad or the mouth of the Oxus. MY LORD: Her Majesty's government have not yet received from the cabinet of St. Petersburg communication of the report which General Kaufmann was long since instructed to draw up on the countries south of the Oxus, which are claimed by the ruler of Afghanistan as his hereditary possessions. Her Majesty's government have awaited this communication in full confidence that impartial inquiries, instituted by that distinguished officer, would confirm the views they themselves take of this matter, and so enable the two governments to come to a prompt and definite decision on the question that has been so long in discussion beween them. But as the expected communication had not reached them, and as they consider it of importance, both for the maintenance of peace and tranquillity in Central Asia and for removing all causes of misunderstanding between the imperial government and themselves, I will no longer delay making known, through your excellency, to the imperial government the conclusions at which Her Majesty's government have arrived, after carefully weighing all the evidence before them. In the opinion, then, of Her Majesty's government, the right of the Ameer of Cabul (Shere Ali) to the possession of the territories up to the Oxus, as far down as Khodja Saleh, is fully established, and they believe, and have so stated to him through the Indian government, that he would have a right to defend these territories if invaded. On the other hand, Her Majesty's authorities in India have declared their determination to remonstrate strongly with the Ameer should he evince any disposition to overstep these limits of his kingdom. Hitherto the Ameer has proved most amenable to the advice offered to him by the Indian government, and has cordially accepted the peaceful policy which they recommended him to adopt, because the Indian government have been able to accompany their advice with an assurance that the territorial integrity of Afghanistan would, in like manner, be respected by those powers beyond his frontiers which are amenable to the influence of Russia. The policy thus happily inaugurated has produced the most beneficial results in the establishment of peace in the countries where it has long been unknown. Her Majesty's government believe that it is now in the power of the Russian government, by an explicit recognition of the rights of the Ameer of Cabul to these territories he now claims, which Bokhara herself admits to be his, and which all evidence yet produced shows to be in his actual and effectual possession, to assist the British government in perpetuating, as far as it is in human power to do so, the peace and prosperity of those regions, and in removing forever, by such means, all cause of uneasiness and jealousy between England and Russia in regard to their respective policies in Asia. For your excellency's more complete information, I state the territories and boundaries which her Majesty's government consider as fully belonging to the Ameer of Cabul, viz: 1. Badakshan with its dependent districts; Wakhan, from the Sarikal (Woods Lake) on the east to the junction of the Kouktcha River with the Oxus, (or Penjah,) forming the northern boundary of this Afghan province throughout its entire extent. 2. Afghan Turkestan, comprising the districts of Kundus, Khulm, and Balkh, the northern boundary of which would be the line of the Oxus, from the junction of the Koukteha River to the post of the Khodja Saleh, inclusive, on the high road from Bokhara to Balkh. Nothing to be claimed by the Afghan Ameer on the left bank of the Oxus below Khodja Saleh. 3. The internal districts of Aktchi, Leripool, Meimané, Chibbirgan, and Andkhoi, the latter of which would be the extreme Afghan frontier possession to the northwest, the desert beyond belonging to the independent tribes of Turcomans. 4. The western Afghan frontier, between the dependencies of Herat and those of the Persian province of Khorassan, is well known and need not here be defined. Your excellency will give a copy of this dispatch to the Russian minister for foreign affairs. I am, &c., B. GRANVILLE. Prince Gortchacow to Count Brunnow. [Communicated to Earl Granville by Count Brunnow, December 29.| No. 2.] ST. PETERSBURG, December 7, 1872. M. LE COMTE: Your excellency has already received a copy of Lord Granville's dispatch of the 17th of October, which was communicated to us by Lord A. Loftus, by order of his government. It refers to the affairs of Central Asia. Before answering it, it becomes necessary for me to recapitulate the different phases of the negotiation between us and the English cabinet upon this question. The two governments were equally desirous to forestall any cause of disagreement between them in that part of Asia. Both wish to establish such a state of things as would secure peace in those countries and consolidate the relations of friendship and good understanding between the two governments. They had, consequently, come to an agreement that it was expedient to have a certain "intermediary" zone, for the purpose of preserving their respective possessions from immediate contact. Afghanistan seemed well fitted to supply what was needed, and it was consequently agreed that the two governments should use all their influence with their neighboring states toward preventing any collision or encroachment one side or the other of this "intermediary" zone. All that remained, in order to make the agreement between the two cabinets as complete in fact as it already was in principle, was to trace the exact limits of the zone. It was here that a doubtful point arose. The founder of the Afghan state, Dost Mahammed Khan, had left behind him a state of confusion which did not allow of the territorial extension which Afghanistan had acquired at certain moments of his reign being accepted as a basis. It was consequently agreed that no territories should be taken into account but such as, having formerly recognized the authority of Dost Mahammed, were still in the actual possession of Shere Ali Khan. It thus became necessary to ascertain, with all possible accuracy, what were the territories in his actual possession. For this purpose it was requisite to have positive local data, which neither government possessed, with reference to these distant and imperfectly known countries. It was agreed that the governor-general of Turkestan should be instructed to take advantage of his residence in the proximity of and his relations with the neighboring Khanates to collect all the information necessary to throw light upon the question, and to enable the two governments to come to a practical decision with the facts before them. Such was the point, M. le Comte, as your excellency will recollect, at which our negotiations with the English cabinet had arrived. In conformity with this decision M. l'Aide-de-Camp Général de Kaufmann had taken every possible measure toward carrying out this preliminary investigation. Owing, moreover, to difficulties arising out of the distances involved, the excessively complicated nature of the points to be elucidated, the absence of genuine sources of information, and the impossibility of a direct inquiry, he was unable to accomplish his task as speedily as we, no less than the government of Her Britannic Majesty, would have desired. Hence the delay pointed out in Lord Granville's dispatch. We have, however, already drawn attention to the fact that the cause of the delay is to be found in the serious attention which the imperial cabinet devoted to this affair. It would have been easy to rest content with hastily collected notions which, later, would have given rise to misunderstandings. We preferred to study the question conscientiously, since it was one of giving a solid and durable basis to the political organization of Central Asia, and to the good and friendly relations, present as well as future, which the two governments aimed at establishing between them on that basis. At the beginning of last October the imperial ministry was able to announce to Lord A. Loftus and to your excellency that the councillor of state, Struve, to whom these inquiries had been intrusted, had at last just arrived at St. Petersburg, and that as soon as the materials he had collected had been put into shape the result would be communicated to the cabinet in London. It was while this work was going on that Lord Granville's dispatch was communicated to us, informing us of the opinion which Her Britannic Majesty's government had thought fit to form upon the point in discussion. The imperial cabinet, having in view the spirit of the agreement, arrived at in principle between the two governments, none the less thinks it its duty to transmit to the government of Her Britannic Majesty the particulars collected on the spot by order of the governor-general of Turkestan, and to lay before them most frankly the conclusions which, in its opinion, are their natural consequences. These particulars and conclusions are contained in the letter, copy of which is inclosed, which M. l'Aide-de-Camp Général de Kaufmann has just addressed to me, and in the memorandum which forms its inclosure. I will sum them up. The question to be settled had two sides: 1. To ascertain the real state of possession at this moment, so far as it is possible to prove it in those countries. 2. Starting from this status quo as a basis, to seek for a line of demarkation to be traced which will best answer the object of the present negotiations; that is, to remove as far as possible all cause of conflict or mutual encroachment between the neighboring khanates, and consequently assure, as far as can be done, the state of peace which henceforward the two governments should respectively use all their influence to cause to be respected. Looking at the question from these two points of view, its study led to the following conclusions: 1. That to the north the Amou Daria forms, in fact, the proper frontier of Afghanis tan from its confluence with the Kouktcha as far as the point of Khodja Saleh. |