ters. Last June, when His Majesty refused to sanction the proclamation of martial law in Spain, and summarily dismissed Marshal Serrano's cabinet which had proposed the measure, that short and sharp phrase in which the royal decision was announced is often quoted in court circles ; and the opposition had confidently insisted that when the moment for action came Don Amadeo would repeat the famous "yo contrario,"” under which a conservative cabinet had fallen, and the destinies of Spain had been confided to the most advanced party of the revolution of 1868.

Although summoned to the palace with my colleagues on New Year's day, I had not the pleasure to hear these speeches, the diplomatic body having been received by His Majesty at a later hour. I commend to your notice the leading article, headed "La Crisis," taken from El Imparcial, of which Mr. Gasset y Artime, the retiring minister of ultramar, is director, (Appendix T.) It may be regarded as an amplification of Mr. Zorilla's statement in the senate and chamber, (Appendices C and E,) or, in other words, an authoritative explanation of the attitude of a minority of the cabinet-two of whom resigned, and the third, General Cordova, holding over conditionally.

Congress re-assembled on the 15th instant. The emancipation act was at once referred to a special committee chosen by the several sections in which the chamber of deputies is subdivided for certain legislative purposes. It is understood that the committee, which includes two deputies from Porto Rico, will report favorably on the measure without delay, and I am assured that the president of the chamber, in the exercise of his authority, will give the bill priority among the orders of the day.

I am, &c.,

[Appendix A.]

D. E. SICKLES.

Extracts from the reply of the president of the chamber of ministers to Mr. Alvarez Bugallal, chamber of deputies, December 17, 1872.

[From La Gaceta de Madrid, December 18, 1872.-Translation.]

Mr. ALVAREZ BUGALLAL. As the government must know of the state of alarm that notoriously exists in Barcelona, Cadiz, Santander, Bilboa, and other mercantile cities of the Peninsula, growing out of the rumors lately circulated concerning the intention of the government respecting political and administrative reforms in the colonies, is it prepared to give an explanation of the extent of those measures and reforms at the present moment, since this alarm springs from the profound surprise which has taken possession of the public on seeing the contradictory character of these rumors, some of which are already realized by the repeated promises and statements of the government through its worthy president? Is the government determined, in clear and direct violation, as I think, of the prescriptions of the constitution, and in usurpation of the unquestionable prerogatives of the legislative power, to put into effect immediately, and without the previous approbation of the Cortes, the decree establishing municipal government in Porto Rico, first made public in the Gaceta de Madrid of the 14th of this month? Does the government contemplate following up this action by two other measures of equal gravity-one relative to the separation of military and civil power, and the other to the immediate abolition of slavery, which, according to the rumors of the past few days, it is proposed to carry into effect?

These are the three questions I have to address to the government of His Majesty. in order that, in view of their gravity, which I believe it will at once admit, it will be pleased to answer them as soon as possible.

The VICE-PRESIDENT, (Mr. Mosquera.) The president of the council of ministers has the floor.

The PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS, (Mr. Ruiz Zorrilla.) I have asked the floor, Messieurs Deputies, in order to answer a question my friend Mr. Bugallal saw fit to make at the beginning of the session.

What has the government done? Published by decree the law of ayuntamientos, believing that it had the right to do so; believing and herein is Mr. Bugallal's first mistake that it usurped the powers of no one, and much less of this Parliament, and how could it have thought of usurping the attributes of the Spanish Parliament, when it so highly cherishes the acts and attributes of that body?

This is an abstract point, and Mr. Bugallal may make an interpellation and present a proposition thereon and say whatever he sees fit as to whether or no the government had the right to establish by decree the law of ayuntamientos in Porto Rico, and the minister of ultramar will answer him.

The government is considering the separation of civil and military authority, (separaccon de mandos;) and if it agrees upon it, being an administrative matter, it will do it by decree, without asserting anybody's attributes; and Mr. Alvarez Bugallal may make an interpellation about it, if he sees proper, and it will be the second.

The government is considering the question of slavery, and will lay the law before you as soon as possible, for it wishes to fight under this flag and for this cause. It believes that abolition will be the greatest of benefits to the Antilles, and believes there is a way and a means to put a speedy end to the insurrection in Cuba, a measure alapted to the totality of those on these benches, curbing the exigencies of some and tempting the impatience of others that is, supposing that they have not betrayed their principles, and do not demand an impossible administration for the Antilles. It believes that it has fulfilled its promises in the pacific island; that it has been treated as it ought to be treated, and that, as far as the other is concerned, it will do the same after the restoration of the material quiet and moral tranquillity which is indispensable to enable the reforms to effect their natural results.

Has there been a single Spaniard of any party whatever who has said here, is there any one who ventures to say to-day, in the nineteenth century and in the year 1872, that the Antilles must forever remain under the very same system of laws that governs them to-day? Is there one?

Those who are now and always have been the most inimical to reforms come before us and say, "We are advocates of reforms. We wish and ask for reforms. We wish the colonies to have the same legislation and enjoy the same benefits as may be given to the Peninsula. But this cannot be done now. It is completely impossible to-day. We can do absolutely nothing, because civil war rages in Cuba, and what is done in Porto Rico may make it more difficult to extinguish!"

Ah, what an example! What an immoral example for the provinces which obey and respect Spain! What an unworthy example given by parties who have any self esteem, by men who see nothing left but to sacrifice all, to poison all with political venom! How baleful an example for the rest of the Peninsula if opinions be to-morrow divided and some rebel while others remain tranquil! If there were a rising tomorrow in Andalusia, and if it were possible for it to show the same or similar characters as that which exists in one of the Antilles, would we have to say to the rest of Spain that because there was an insurrection in a part of the Peninsula individual rights must be suspended throughout all Spain? Do you not comprehend that the pacific provinces could justly say that on the whole they would be no worse off if they, too, had revolted? For if the revolt be not dependent on the will of the pacific provinces, and if they find no advantage in their fidelity, but are treated like the others in spite of it, might we not fear that they would do as the others had done? As firmly as I proclaim it untrue that we have thought of carrying out any reforms in Cuba, so firmly do I assure the Cortes, and my words are trustworthy, for after all the government might easily have postponed its answer, in view of the gravity of the matter, that the government does not and will not go further than it should in the Porto Rican question, and that all that has been said to the contrary and concerning other reforms is the pure invention of some and the foolish credulity of others, unworthy means used by many to attack this government which have overcome great crises and hopes to overcome this, believing that the right is on its side.

# *

What motives are there for the continuance of this alarm if, from the point of view of public order, the situation has been bettered? What reasons are there for thinking that a cataclysm may come at any moment? I will tell Mr. Bugallal why. I will specify no party and no man, because it does not suit my purpose, and in the post I neerpy I should not do so except as the last resort. I say to Mr. Bugallal that this alarin is spread because the Porto Rican question is on the tapis; not because the reforms are of greater or less scope; not because they may produce these or those results; not because they are more or less justified or more or less legal; but because it is a question that may serve to rally the enemies of the government and draw waverers to the opposition. It is a question which may lend hope to the feeble and strength to the despairing, and they say among themselves, "Come, let us get up an agitation, and let us see if by that means we can win men over to our side and put an end to this government." Before, it was the conscription; afterward, the loan; now, the Porto

Rican question. If this disappears another will come, and then another, and then another.

One thing is certain; that this agitation will be no more than an agitation; that this agitation would have much less importance if it attained expression in some insignificant overt act than the two revolts we have dominated under more trying circumstances, and there would be, moreover, this fact in favor of the government, that the reform treated of being subject to the deliberations of the chambers, which would give time for opinions to be formed, and for the deputies to vote as their conscience dictates. If this agitation were made manifest in acts of violence it could not claim the disculpation which other agitations have had wherein ideas have contended and not interests; wherein ignorant masses have risen and not men of enlightenment; wherein, instead of making use of what they are worth and what they are to increase the prosperity of Spain and give tranquillity to the Antilles, their endowments and themselves are used for the political ends and to promote discontent at home and perhaps cause great inju ries to the colonies; and as such agitation would have no importance we would dominate it as we have dominated the others.

Then, (and why should it be concealed from Mr. Bugallal-why should he not be told the truth?) then, perhaps I might come before Congress and say what I have not said now because I did not wish to add fuel to the blaze, what I did not say when the federal and Carlist insurrections arose, for then evil-minded Spaniards, renegades, and disloyal to their country, would be the ones to arouse a revolt here, and prepare, or attempt, a revolt in the Antilles, in order to deprive the government of the strength it needs to enable it to say to Cuba, "Be not alarmed," to send out thither the twelve thousand soldiers demanded by the captain-general, and as many more as may be wanted. Those evil and disloyal Spaniards would be the ones to say to the Antilles that we had a filibuster government at home; that the government here was composed of wicked Spaniards, of ministers who took money and whose wives accepted gifts from the chief of the rebels. The coward who says this is known as one who is incapable of defending anything unless paid with gold. [Great applause.]

Ah, Messieurs Deputies! when I read this and added it to the countless slanders I have read of myself for some time past I was indignant, but upon reflection I said, "Why should they not do so if their nature is unchanged? Did they.not say when Mendizabel attempted to reform the church and sought means to end the civil war, that he took so much for every pair of shoes he bought in England to keep the army from going barefoot? Did they not say of the same Mendizabel that he robbed a virgin's shrine of its jewels to give them to a woman? and, to take an analagous case, did they not say of General Espartero, in 1843, that he had sold Cuba, not to the United States-that was not thought of then-but for British gold ?”

And I said, "If, in speaking of a man of the political stature of Mendizabal-almost the only great progressive statesman this country has had-if, in speaking of a man of the virtues, the services, and the merit of the illustrious pacificator of Spain, they said these things, wherein is it strange that, when my limited merits have raised me to the post I occupy, there should be inflamed against me, not merely envy, which I have no reason to fear, but the passions of those of far more merit than I, who, nevertheless, have not accomplished as much as I."

I must say to the chamber and to the nation from this post that we, in studying the Porto Rican question, and in according reforms to Porto Rico, have obeyed the sentiment, the idea, and aspiration of preserving the colonies united to the mother country.

I must tell my political friends from the provinces, who have come hither as commissioners to the government to protest against the reform, that many of them have not been told what the reforms were, while to others they have been exaggerated; I must explain to them that the political aspect of the question lies exactly where they have been told that there was no political question; that the real political issue is that we believe the way to assure peace to the Antilles and preserve them to Spain is to give them reforms, and the reason that those who are themselves politicians tell them that there are no politics in this question, is because they think the statu quo should be maintained in the Antilles; that those who knowingly or unwittingly, according to the spirit that guides or the inspiration that feeds them, are content to be made use of by their political friends, may do as they please; each one is master of his own will and conscience; but they contribute to political interests contrary to the radical party and to this cabinet, and we have the right to believe, unless there be some who think and dare to say to our faces that we are not good Spaniards, and then they will have the right to say so, and if they do not we have the right to deem that, as all alike desire the preservation of the Antilles, it is they who are mistaken; that they reason upon the only facts they possess, while we, in studying and deciding this question, have not only the data they have given us, but also those which every gov ernment possesses, and which are not accessible to private citizens. They cannot escape from this dilemma; if all of us are true Spaniards-if all of us desire the preservation of the Antilles to the mother country-we are of necessity in the right,

since we possess more data and more antecedents and are able to solve this question more understandingly.

Lastly, Messieurs Deputies, we are acting conscientiously in this question, seeking to give, as I have already repeatedly said, a great good to our country, a great benefit to liberal Spain and to our Antilles; and, as we all hold this conviction, being men of ideas and of convictions, we counsel some of you to examine and see why and how these protests are made, and we counsel others to no longer permit themselves to make a political question of one which should be purely Spanish; that if any issue requires calmness in discussion it is this one, now and always; and lastly, before taking my seat, that, come what may and whatever protests may be made, this government will not desist from carrying out its purpose to realize these reformns except in the face of two obstacles which those whose duty is as ours are bound to respect, the will of the Crown or the vote of the Cortes.

The following proposition offered by Mr. Becerra was then read:

"The undersigned deputies ask Congress to be pleased to declare that it has heard with profound pleasure the words of salvation and of reform from Porto Rico just uttered by the president of the council of ministers.

Palace of the Congress, December 17, 1872.

"Manuel Becerra, M. Mathet, Luis de Molini, the Marquis de la Florida, the Marquis de Sardoval, Rodolfo Pelayo, Antonio Ramos Calderon.”

Mr. BECERRA. Gentlemen, these are solemn moments wherein the soul feels what the tongue cannot express. Permit me to begin by congratulating my friend, the pesident of the council of ministers, on his defense of a great cause. I wish that the Spaniards beyond the seas could hear us, and they would see that the Spaniards who carried civilization thither beneath the cross of Christ are now ready to give them democracy also.

The present act, gentlemen, is an act of great political importance, because, in the first place, it is an act of justice; of justice, gentlemen, which is the highest of all aims, and woe to the nations that forget it! And, in the second place, because it is a timely act, that demonstrates the intimate union of Spain and America, and shows the world that, if a great people has had the courage to emancipate four millions of slaves, the land of the Cid will not go backward in its defense of the liberty, the honor, and the integrity of the nation. [Applause.]

We are calumniated for this; but what of that? To calumny we will oppose tranquillity of conscience, and to intrigues the firm union of our party; for the principles, gentlemen, among their many excellencies, have power to rally their disciples around them at moments like the present, and if any think we are divided, they will now see us united in defense of our principles. And if, by chance of misfortune, we are threatened by complications in this question, we who have ever striven for liberty will continue to strive for it; and if fortune be adverse to us, let us act so that our sons may say of us, "They fought like good men and true to win liberty, and they died like men in its defense." And, above all, let it be known that by this act we test the strength of our right; and if there be cowards who doubt it, we will make them comprehend that we have also the right of strength on our side.

I well know that there are adventurers who have raised their standard against the integrity of our territory; but we will answer them by sending out not merely 12,000 men, but as many as may be needed, and all the treasure that may be required; for a true nation would rather perish from the earth than suffer a blot on its good fame. There are also those who question our patriotism, but their doubts will be dispelled when they see that, given these reforms, we are ready to make every sacrifice to preserve the integrity of the territory.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. Excuse me, Mr. Deputy; I am about to ask the chamber if the sitting shall be prolonged.

The question being put was decided in the affirmative.

Mr. BECERRA. We are discussing reforms for Porto Rico, for that province beyond the seas, which Spain recognizes as a province from to-day henceforth, now that she is ready to give the island her rights as a province, while at the same time prepared to punish rigorously whosoever may seek to assail the integrity, the independence, or the honor of the country. Cuba will have these same rights later, since the first duty is to conquer; because Spain can never yield with honor to menaces, and no man of courage will ever concede that which is demanded with a strong hand.

How much might be said upon this point! How much occurs to me in the way of arguments, showing the justice, opportuneness, the necessity and utility of reforms! But I shall only put this question to the radicals and the conservatives who joined in the revolution: Can we do otherwise than to fulfill a solemn and sacred promise? If it was intended to fulfill that promise, why oppose it now? And if it was not intended that it should be fulfilled, why was it spontaneously made?

I hope that the chamber will take into consideration the proposition we have had the honor to present. In this manner the Spanish nation will prove to the whole

world that she is prepared to defend her independence, to uphold her integrity, to maintain her honor, and at the same time do justice to each and all of her sons; and she will do so in such fashion that the Spaniards who live beyond the seas, like those who dwell in the Peninsula, may say with pride, “I am a Spaniard; I am of that nation that conquered her independence by humbling the great captain of the age, and now is able to teach all Europe the true practice of democracy."

The proposition being put, the vote was taken into consideration, by 182 votes against 7.

[Appendix C.-Extract translated.]

Summary of the proceedings in the senate, December 20, 1872.

Mr. CERVERA. An important political event has just taken place, and as it is the custom of parliamentary governments in such cases to give the chambers full expla nations of the causes of the crisis, I simply ask the government to do so now, and to state what are its purposes respecting the political future of Spain.

The PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS. The government, Messieurs Senators, has intended to explain the ministerial crisis; it is, nevertheless, grateful for the request just made. The causes of the crisis are known to all; so I have little to say on that point.

The government, thinking the proper time had arrived, took up the question of reforms to be extended to Porto Rico. All the members of the ministry were unanimous as to the necessity of promulgating by decree the law of ayuntamientos, which has been published in the Gaceta. We agreed to discuss and adopt a plan of action concerning two other questions, the separation of civil and military authority and the abolition of slavery. In view of the gravity of this last question, the government took it up. All the ministers agreed that slavery should be abolished. The dissidence arose as to the manner of doing so, for three thought it should be gradual, and five, among them he who has the honor to address you, advocated immediate abolition. The discussion on this point took place toward the end of November, but it was agreed that while the conscription and the loan were pending the question should be deferred as long as possible.

Sufficient time has now elapsed to overcome both these difficult questions, and the question of public order has been also successfully treated since the federal rising has been put down in all quarters, and we shelter the hope that the Carlist insurrection will terminate in a short time. Such being the situation, the government deemed that the time had come to take up anew the question of Porto Rican reforms. The issue which had divided the government was brought up, and a crisis precipitated in consequence of some inquiries made by a most worthy deputy not belonging to the majority. The president of the council of ministers answered in the name of the government, and making known its situation, but without his language being explicit enough, gave rise to a crisis on the issue concerning which the cabinet held different opinions; nevertheless, those members of the ministry who differed from the majority of their colleagues thought that, in view of the explanations of the government and the vote of the chamber, upon a motion made by one of the majority, that it was their duty not to prolong for an instant their stay in the cabinet, and at the close of the sitting the colonial secretary, and subsequently the secretaries of the treasury and of war, conferred with the president of the council, the two first saying that they could no longer form a part of the cabinet, and the latter saying what he will soon have the honor to say to the senate also.

The question was simple. We were agreed as to the necessity of considering Porto Rican reforms, as to the necessity of publishing the law of ayuntamientos, which we believed we were authorized to do; and as to the abolition of slavery, but we differed, as I have already said, about the manner of doing so.

It is not incumbent upon me to defend, in this place, my own opinions and those of my colleagues who agree with me, nor have I the right to assail those who think differently. When the discussion arises on this point, we hope to convince the Cortes and the country that in treating this reform as we have done, besides obeying liberal and civilized principles, we have conformed also to what was most in harmony with the dignity of the nation, with the situation of the government, with the promises of the radical party, and with the necessity that we should stand before the world as a nation endowed with self-respect, which studies its own issues and realizes its own situation, and whose government will do its duty whatever may be the responsibility, The question being thus happily defined, it was easy for me to decide in which of the two ways the crisis should be settled. A few moments after the chamber ad