journed, the colonial minister tendered me his resignation, and, early in the morning of the following day, the finance minister tendered me his. I could do nothing else than to go to His Majesty the King and explain the situation of the cabinet to him, and it was equally my duty, although His Majesty was cognizant of the question from the first, to set before him the full gravity of the issue and the responsibility that would rest on any government that might decide it.

I went to confer with His Majesty at noon yesterday, and told him that a cabinet council was convened for 9 o'clock that night, and that if, at that hour, I had no commauds from him in a contrary sense to that in which I thought the crisis should be settled, I would, on the following day, lay before him the resignations of those ministers who were not in accord with the majority of the cabinet, replacing them with proper substitutes. I had the honor and the satisfaction to hear from His Majesty's lips how great was his regret that a new crisis had arisen; but, at the same time, I had the pleasure to hear that, in the divergence of views common to all parties, while esteeming all opinions as sincere, he chose the most liberal and the most humane; and His Majesty charged me that whatever reforms should be attempted should be the work of the Parliament; that the glory of the reforms should belong to Parliament, while the government should bear whatever responsibility might result.

I need not say that my two colleagues who have abandoned this bench were entirely in agreement with the present cabinet in everything referring to the principles and conduct of the radical party and to the necessity of extending reforms to Porto Rico. In these questions the government has to present the proper bills, leaving the co-legislative bodies to deliberate and decide on them; and so it is sufficient for the government to say now that it proposes the immediate abolition of slavery in Porto Rico. A few days ago I had the honor to say in the lower chamber that we had nothing to diseuss, since all the ministers were agreed that no political or social reform should be extended to Cuba until it was not merely physically but morally pacified, for without this reforms would have no good result.

You already know, Messieurs Senators, that those who have quitted us, much to my regret-for I realize the great services they have rendered-have done so on this issue of form; nevertheless, the minister of war remains, without, however, indicating thereby that his views have changed, for they are the same as before. Narrow-minded men may judge his action as they think fit; I have only to say that the country is not yet completely pacified; that the recent conscripts are not yet enrolled in the ranks, and that the bill for re-organizing the army and abolishing conscription is still pending. In this situation, the minister of war believes it his duty to continue in the cabinet, although in so doing he makes a great sacrifice, for which I cannot be sufficiently grateful.

The successors of those who have left the ministry are known to all of you; both have been before now colonial ministers, and have been long known in political life. I need not therefore say what their opinions are. Having thus explained the crisis, I must inform the senate that a suitable bill for the abolition of slavery will be presented before the holiday recess.

I do not expose a new programme to the senate. We are of the most liberal party possible in a monarchy. We believe that order and liberty may co-exist in harmony, and that the best way to destroy liberty and order is by the pressure of absolute governments or the vacillation of doctrinary parties. We believe that the doctrines we have proclaimed will lead us to a time when liberty shall be a reality and order be firmly established. But if we are mistaken on this point we are not men to base policy on caprice or egotism. We realize the difficulties that environ us, the spirit of the varions parties, and we know who are the enemies that assail us. When it is no longer possible to overcome these difficulties by the course we propose to follow we shall frankly say so; meanwhile we shall keep up the contest and endeavor to win the victory. We recall that before the year 1868 we proclaimed the necessity of the disappearance of the existing order of things and the substitution of a newer and a different state, and we wished the new régime to be a reality in law and in fact. Shall we win the victory? It would, indeed, be a grand glory to have confounded those who deny that order can exist in union with the fullest liberties. What if we fail? We shall have fallen with our flag, but none shall say that we have not wrought our principles into laws, or that we have not endeavored to practice them, or that we shall not always hold that our unsuccess is not the fault of our principles but of ourselves, who have not had sufficient means to realize them, or of the Spanish nation, which was not yet ready to comprehend them.

In either case, we must not hesitate or fall short of what we have proclaimed, but keep on in its defense until we succeed in our wish that liberty shall be broad enough for all parties to support within its fold such solutions as may seem best to them, and that the good order so long needed by the Spanish social fabric shall be restored to it. Mr. Suarez Inclán rose, filled with deep emotion at Mr. Zorilla's words. He was of those who believed that the reforms thus precipitately given to Porto Rico would also be given to Cuba, and that the autonomy to which those islands aspired meant

the loss of Spain's richest jewels. The insurgents were about to attain their ends pacifically and legally with the aid of the Spanish government itself. Mr. Zorilla had promised before the Christmas holidays to lay his reform project before them. Then they would maintain, hand to hand, the integrity of the nation.

The President suggested that Mr. Inclán was making a speech; not putting a question.

Mr. Suarez Inclán said he would now put his question. Mr. Zorrilla said that reforms were approved in certain high quarters, and this afflicted his (Mr. Inclán's) soul, and induced him to believe the current rumors that the Spanish government had been urged by foreign powers to follow this baleful path. "Was it true that foreign governments exercised pressure or influence on the indomitable Spanish nation? Was it true that the cabinets of Florence, Rome, Berlin, or England used their influence against the legitimate interests of Spain?" [Mr. ZORILLA: "No; for we are not moderados." Applause and protests.] "Be calmi, Mr. President of the council. My opinions are well known. The conservatives of all grades are here to protest in the name of the dignity and decorum of the Spanish nation.

Mr. ZORRILLA. And I also, who represent it.

The PRESIDENT. Has Mr. Suarez Inclán finished?
Mr. SUAREZ INCLÁN. I have finished for the present.

The president of the council of ministers protested against Mr. Inclán's words, which were an echo of outside calumnies against the government. In what act did he find signs of other pressure than love of country and of the Antilles? He thought differently from those who first maintained the statu quo, afterward countenanced reforms, and to-day, being no longer in the government, opposed the reforms that were intended to prevent the civilized world from confounding Spain with Turkey and Morocco, [Good! good!] They had something more to do now than to patch up royal marriages or study Spanish interests from a dynastic point of view. Foreign powers could no longer say to our embassadors that they merely represented the Queen's personal wishes. It was enough for the government to know that its Porto Rican policy accorded with Spain's love for her colonies and with a liberal and civilized spirit.

It seemed that Mr. Suarez Inclán was charged with expressing in the senate the manifesto of the so-called "national league." He had spoken of Cuba, but with what right? Were any reforms proposed for Cuba? Certainly not. “I have said in the house what the conservatives dare not say; I have said what we propose to do in Porto Rico, and that the best way to study calmly what we have to do in Cuba when the war is over is to do what we are doing in Porto Rico; and when reforms are to be proposed for Cuba there must exist not only material but moral tranquillity, without which reforms are fruitless. You have no right, therefore, to prate here of the autonomy of the colonies, or of reforms which do not exist in Cuba.”

He protested against Mr. Suarez Inclán's so-called inquiries, which were simply a second edition of the proclamation of the self-styled "national league," which he called the reactionary league. He protested against the charge that they were about to give autonomy to the colonies. The government wished them to remain a part of Spanish territory. As for the second part of Mr. Inclán's speech, he protested that they had not been influenced by foreign pressure of any kind.

Mr.Suarez Inclán said that the senate well knew that he could speak courteously and with circumspection; if he now had lost his natural sweetness and suavity of temper it was because he saw the sentiments and interests of the country assailed and the interests of his province, the Asturias, which were linked with those of Cuba and Porto Rico, now menaced. Through him that principality protested energetically against reforms.

The president said the Asturias was not a federal canton.

Mr. Suarez Inclán said he defended the sentiments of the nation.

A senator. Are not the rest of us defending them, too? [Interruptions on all sides.] Mr. Suarez Inclán said that the interruptions could not disturb him. Mr. Zorrilla had asked what proofs he had of the interference of foreign governments in Spanish affairs. If it were possible to lay before them the documents in Spanish and foreign archives showing the suggestions, the conferences, and the plots, which did not see the light till after the damage was done, Mr. Zorilla would not use such an argument. He could not adduce material proofs, but he could show some that were sufficiently eloquent; but the truth of his assertions was based on public opinion, which followed the history of these sad reforms step by step and stage by stage. [Fresh interruptions The president objected to Mr. Inclán's continuing his remarks. Mr. Zorrilla preferred that he should go on. Many senators demanded that he should be allowed to speak. Order was at length restored and Mr. Inclán resumed his remarks.]

Mr. Suarez Inclán said he could not produce all these material proofs, but he spoke of some. Was the government innocent enough to turn them over to the publie? No. But if the proofs of what opinion and the press said and the political world guessed at, the question would be soon settled. Public opinion had divined what lay at the bottom of the matter, and time would show that it was right in its surmise

The immediate abolition of slavery, the municipal law promulgated in violation of the constitution, and the announced separation of military and civil powers were nothing but autonomy; with them disappeared the authority of the supreme Spanish government, which for him signified the immediate and final separation of the islands. A day would come when he could demonstrate the truth of his affirmations. He was the echo of no particular group but of all circles in Madrid, from absolutists to unitary republicans. This was a truly Spanish question, which wounded the most delicate fibers of the national conscience.

The minister of state said that by repeating these rumors and insinuating what could not be proved, Mr. Inclán made a most grave charge. When Mr. Inclán saw fit to speak openly, the government would see fit to answer him. He could speak whenever he liked, but the government was in no hurry to hear him or afraid to meet him or anybody else. Mr. Inclán had complained of not being allowed to speak, but when he spoke it became apparent that he had nothing to say.

"The honorable gentleman hints that there may be documents and conversations showing the reclamations and influence of friendly governments to induce Spain to proceed in some determinate sense in matters which belong exclusively to the Spanish nation; but this cannot be asserted unless based on rational data, and under the obligation to produce them at once; for if not, he who does so fails in his duty as a Spaniard, and forgets that he has to deal with the government of Spain, the guardian of Spanish moral interests and Spanish dignity. [Good! good!]

"I have only to say, in reply to the honorable gentleman's words asserting that there have been such conversations and documents, that there has been no such thing, and that nothing of what he has said is true. He who says this represents at this moment the interests and the truth of the Spanish nation. And if this be not enough for the honorable gentleman, I challenge him to prove the contrary."

It had been said that the English, Italian, and the other governments were interested in the colonial reforms, and especially in wiping out the stain of slavery. Because all the governments of the world think thus, and because slavery is to be abolished in one of the provinces, did Mr. Inclán think those governments forced it on Spain? Wher ever there were enlightened statesmen and elevated ideas, there was a unanimous outcry against slavery. What did this show? That Spain, in abolishing slavery in Porto Rico, was influenced by Spanish data and those of the civilized world. But in Cuba nothing could be done except answer the voice of muskets by the roar of cannon. "Where is the wrong, gentlemen, if in view of all this we should also consider the good opinion that we would win in Spain and elsewhere when it is said, 'The Spanish nation, which has affirmed the rights of man, has crowned her work by breaking the chains of the slaves, making them citizens and free, even in the midst of all the difficulties which surrounded it? What a glory for the Spanish nation!"

Municipal law was not autonomy. Ayuntamientos had only ceased since certain ideas arose in Spain whose full development would have lost not only Cuba but Porto Rico.

The constitution had not been violated by establishing the municipal law by decree. The constitution said that reforms should be given to the colonies as soon as their Condition permitted. In fulfillment of this article each law contained a clause that it should be extended, with necessary modifications, to Porto Rico, and this clause was in the municipal law. The government had not fulfilled that law. Preceding cabinets had operated in Porto Rico by decrees. Mr. Moret did so. In Mr. Mosquera's time the law of ayuntamientos was suspended by decree, and was now re-established in the same way. It was true that what was done in Porto Rico would exert an influence in Cuba, but not in the sense Mr. Inclán supposed. "We have always maintained that our colonial policy was based on this distinction: in Cuba, where there is a war, soldiers and money; in Porto Rico, where there is peace, laws and reforms. In Cuba there will be no reforms until moral and material tranquillity are restored; in Porto Rico, yes; and abolition, which is easy, simple, and not costly there, will be effected immediately, thus avoiding all perturbations and outbreaks. In Cuba, abolition would be more difficult and must be gradual."

All the world except Mr. Inclán knew that what was done in Porto Rico was no precedent for Cuza. It would undoubtedly influence the situation in Cuba to the advantage of the government. These reforms would tend to end the war. The enemies of Spain in Cuba would have a right to doubt the sincerity of reforms promised on the termination of the war if they saw peaceful Porto Rico remaining under the same government as themselves. But seeing reforms in Porto Rico, they could do no less than say, "If we wish to enjoy a better state of things we need not seek it by force, for force has not succeeded; let us lay down our arms and submit to the easy conditions imposed by the victorious Spanish government." For four years blood and treasure had been squandered in Cuba, and yet the war continues. Was it not worth while to try if the example of reforms in Porto Rico and the hope of enjoying them in Cuba would succeed where force had failed? "If this be accomplished, as I trust it will, what a satisfaction and recompense the government will have for all the bit

terness it now endures and the opposition it encounters from all this conspiration of interests united to harm it in the name of the integrity of the nation, that talks to us of disputing it hand to hand, when it seems that what is really defended is the lengthening of the lash that tears the negro's flesh! [Good! good!]

"In conclusion, we throw out no hints and harbor no suspicions; the honest policy of the radical party is honestly explained without recourse to arguments of another sort. What we do we do in fulfillment of solemnly contracted promises; for, even as you believe the colonies are lost if we grant them reforms, so do we believe they will be lost if reforms be not granted. Your system has brought about an insurrection which has lasted for four years. Let us now see what ours will do.

"One of two policies must be followed in the transmarine provinces: the tradi tional policy of military despotism and arbitrariness, incompatible with the new elements which have joined in the new life of the Spanish nation-a policy which I be lieve would have irrevocably lost the Antilles; or the redeeming, reformatory, humane, and liberal policy which has been accepted by us, the true preservers of the revolution.

"The statu quo does not fit with and is a fundamentally disturbing element in our policy; it is immoral and impossible after the pledges of the revolution; and when a nation contracts a pledge before the world it must fulfill it. That there is peace in Porto Rico is due to the efforts of the reformers and to the confidence they have that a day will come when the promises and the obligations contracted by the Constituent Cortes with its inhabitants, in the name of the nation, shall be fulfilled.”

Mr. Suarez Inclán said that Mr. Martos's speech reminded him of the siren songs chanted by the American deputies in the Cortes of Cadiz in 1812. Argüelles in 1837 said they had deceived the Cortes, and history has shown that their seductive language had caused the loss of Spain's vast American possessions; and as they had been lost then, so also now

The president begged Mr. Inclán to confine himself to his "rectification."

Mr. SUAREZ INCLÁN. Ah! Mr. President, this argument hurts. [Cries from the majority; moments of confusion.] This argument hurts, and I must dwell upon it. The president again called Mr. Inclán to order.

Mr. Suarez Inclán continued, regretting the loss of those vast possessions, and unhesitatingly affirmed that the ample liberties then asked and obtained by the colonial deputies had caused their loss.

(Being again called to order a fresh commotion arose, which Mr. Inclán terminated by announcing an interpellation for some time before the holiday recess.)

The president of the council of ministers said that although the cabinet was awaited in the chamber of deputies to explain the crisis, Mr. Inclán's affirmations were so grave that he had requested the chamber to adjourn till the evening, and would now meet Mr. Inclán on his own ground and reply to any accusation of which he might be the echo.

Mr. SUAREZ INCLÁN. I defend the interests of my country.

The PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL. Let us argue this point about "country" and find out what your country means.

Mr. SUAREZ INCLÁN. Country, for us, is the integrity of the territory.
MANY SENATORS. That is not true. We are as Spanish as you.

The President begged Mr. Inclán to explain his interpellation, and not defend the interests of the country, which all were ready to defend.

Mr. Suarez Inclán, although fatigued, was at Mr. Zorrilla's order.

The president of the council, in the name of the government and of liberal and revolutionary Spain, was ready to reply at once to the representative of the moderado party. [Applause.]

Mr. SUAREZ INCLÁN. I am what I am, and the nation shall judge between you and

me.

The PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL. The nation must judge us all.

Mr. Suarez Inclán continued, saying that Mr. Marto's language was identical with that used in the Cortes of Cadiz. Argüelles had said that the American deputies had victimized those Cortes, and Argüelles himself drew up the article in the constitution of 1837 by which the colonies were made subject to special laws. Municipal law had been decreed for Porto Rico in March, 1870. What was the result? General Baldrich suspended it on his own responsibility. He begged that all the papers in relation to that proceeding should be laid before the senate. When two captains-general of different politics, Baldrich and Gomez Pulido, had refused to execute that law, what was the duty of the government? To study the question to the bottom, impartially and severely. But far from this, they had hastily published the late decree in violation of the constitution, endangering thereby high and sacred interests. This government had paid no attention to those two worthy officers, but published the municipal law, dangerous to the interests of Cuba and Porto Rico.

The finance minister a few days before censured the municipal law of the peninsula, which did not give the government power to compel the town-councils to pay the

schoolmasters. If the government was powerless here, how would it be in Porto Rico, with a provincial assembly of absolute authority? They would appoint all their own officials, judges, and schoolmasters, who would all be separatists. A secessionist judiciary would be a permanent element of sedition, against which there was no defense. "Give me a base big enough," said Archimedes, "and I will move the world." "Give us." say the filibusters, "the primary and higher schools, and the victory is ours!" The minister of state had said that no reforms would be given to Cuba while an armed rebel remained. He (Mr. Inclán) thought they would lay down their arms as soon as they knew that Porto Rico was enjoying rights almost equal to those in Spain, in a word, liberties, reforms, and rights which, if God did not prevent it, would lose Cuba to Spain. Give Cuba individual rights, with all the consequences seen in the peninsula, and separation becomes a fact forever, for the Antilles once lost can never be regained.

Here, in Madrid, is where the filibusters have their headquarters, their machinations, and their powerful defenders. Ask them if, in giving Cuba the political liberties of Spain, the insurgents of the swamps will lay down their arms, and you will see how they will answer in the affirmative.

The minister said that I spoke of the influence of foreign governments. True. And on this point I wish to put him a concrete question, begging him to answer me categorically. Is it true that in the green book of the United States there is a note from the representative of that Government in Madrid in which is reported a conference with the minister of state, and in which note it is stated that Mr. Martos replied to that representative that, the reforms proposed for the Antilles being once established, the objects and purposes for which the representative of the United States had shown such a lively interest in our affairs, would be realized. I beg that a categorical answer be given me on this point, although I regret to see that the minister of state is not present.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. The colonial minister is here, Mr. Senator. (Mr. Martos enters the chamber at this moment.) Since the minister of state is now here you may repeat the question.

Mr. JUAREZ INCLÁN. I beg the minister of state to give me a full and satisfactory answer to the question I have just put, and I beg the senate to pardon me for the long time I have troubled it. I conclude by raising fervent prayers to Heaven that this unfortunate nation may be delivered from the perils that menace the integrity of her territory. I have done.

The MINISTER OF STATE. Messieurs Senators, as the colonial minister was in his seat I thought I would not be wanted, and asked him to make a note of anything Mr. Suarez Inclán might say about foreign governments.

As for the inquiry Mr. Inclán has made, I reply that, although I had no details, I have already affirmed that no foreign government has made any representations whatever to the Spanish government tending to influence its action on the question under discussion. As for that denunciatory (conminatoria) note, I beg him to explain. (Several senators: No! No! not denunciatory!) I beg the honorable gentleman to repeat his question.

Mr. JUAREZ INCLÁN. I said that there was a note from the United States minister, from which it appears that Mr. Martos had stated to him that the Spanish government proposed those reforms; and by that road they would go as far as the Government of the United States wished.

The MINISTER OF STATE. The note to which the honorable gentleman refers does not exist.

While I was minister of the regent, I attended a dinner where Mr. Sickles also was, and we conversed about political matters and the Cuban war, which, as was natural, interested the United States on account of the loss it occasioned to their own and Spanish commerce.

A great misapprehension exists. The United States do not covet the island of Cuba, for it is not their interest to acquire it, and in this relation I must not omit to say that I have always received from General Sickles the fullest assurances that the United States aspire to no such thing. It is true that both the colonial minister and myself, and ten or twelve high officials who were at the dinner, talked about politics, administration, the Cuban war, and our intentions respecting reforms. The papers afterwards, commenting on the United States minister's note to his Government, reporting our good intentions, calumniously stated that I had said that such measures would bring things to pass as the Cubans and the United States representative desired, that is, the emancipation of Cuba.

When I say that neither the United States Government, nor their minister, Mr. Sickles, desire the emancipation of Cuba, I say enough to satisfy public opinion and refute an infamous calumny; and if I had said so of the Cubans it would have been a piece of idiocy, for my loyalty and patriotism spurn the idea. General Sickles's comment meant nothing more than that by such a path we would attain to the desired