a communication assuring him of my fervent wishes for the happiness and prosperity of the noble and generous people with whom, as a sister republic, the Government of the United States will ever cherish even more than the traditional friendship which has hitherto allied the two countries. SICKLES. No. 389. General Sickles to Mr. Fish. [Telegram.-Received Feb. 13-4.15 p. m.] MADRID, February 13, 1873. Your telegram of 12th received. Conference with Castelar appointed for 4 this afternoon; time and manner of presentation to President of republic will then be arranged. Martos, who declined the presidency of the republic, was last night elected president of the sovereign assembly. Tranquillity uninterrupted. SICKLES. No. 390. General Sickles to Mr. Fish. [Telegram.] MADRID, February 15, 1873. Officially received to-day, with great ceremony, by Chief Executive Figueras, and also by president of sovereign assembly, Martos. Addresses of each most friendly. Shall I report remarks by cable? Proceedings reported to assembly by Castelar in brief and brilliant speech. Order assured; funds rising; confidence established. SICKLES. No. 391. Mr. Fish to General Sickles. [Telegram.] WASHINGTON, February 14, 1873. I understand from your telegrams of 12th and 13th that you have recognized the new government. It will be grateful to know that you have regarded the condition and prospects of the republic such as to justify the discretionary power given you in that regard. This Government and people look with sincere and earnest hope for the peaceful and permanent establishment of the new government. FISH. No. 392. General Sickles to Mr. Fish. [Telegram.-Received Feb. 16-5.5 p. m.] MADRID, February 16, 1873. Have communicated your telegrams of 12th and 14th to this government, and am requested by President Figueras to convey to you the expressions of satisfaction and appreciation with which our friendly assurances have been received. My speech and that of the President in reply were afterward read to the assembly by Castelar, and received with general applause. SICKLES. No. 540.] No. 393. General Sickles to Mr. Fish. UNITED STATES LEGATION IN SPAIN, Madrid, February 18, 1873. (Rec'd March 25.) SIR: Referring to my No. 492, (confidential,) of December 3, 1872, and to my telegram of 30th ultimo, I proceed to report the occurrences of the past week therein foreshadowed. On the night of Sunday, the 9th instant, a rumor, apparently authentic, was heard at the opera, and in some of the clubs, that the King had inti mated his desire to renounce the crown. On the following morning several of the journals confirmed the report, although suggesting that an act of the Cortes would be necessary before such a step could be taken, in conformity with article 74 of the Spanish constitution. During the day it was understood that this grave question was under consideration in cabinet council, and that Congress would be asked to suspend its settings for a few days to enable ministers to prepare the necessary measures to meet the crisis. It seems that a communication in this sense was sent by the president of the council to Mr. Rivero, the presiding officer of the chamber of deputies, which that officer declined to announce officially to the house, lest such a proof of the irresolution of the cabinet might provoke popular tumult. I had an appointment for that day, the 10th instant, at three in the afternoon, with the minister of state at the foreign office. At noon Mr. Merelo, the assistant secretary, called at the legation to say that the minister could not meet me as proposed, and it was not difficult for me to satisfy myself, despite the reticence of my visitor, that there was ample foundation for the reports I had heard. The chamber of deputies met as usual at three p. m., and I repaired to the diplomatic tribune, where several of my colleagues soon afterward joined me. Empty benches and a dull debate poorly reflected the animation already visible in the streets. Descending to the floor of the house, I soon encountered groups of members in the halls and salons, busily discussing the theme as yet forbidden in the chamber itself. Observing Rivero, the president, leave the chair, I went to his room, and had scarcely saluted him when several of the cabinet entered, among them Martos, Beranger, and Becerra, in whose faces I fancied I could see a serenity and satisfaction of good augury. Returning to the diplomatic tribune, it was not long before Rivero resumed the speaker's chair, which was regarded as only preliminary to the appearance of ministers in their places. A crowd of members came in from the lobbies, and expectation was on tip-toe for a statement from the government bench. None of the cabinet appearing, the hum of conversation soon swelled into loud murmurs, as it was of course known that the council had risen, and ministers were in the ante-chamber. Figueras, the republican parliamentary leader, seized the opportunity afforded by the impatient temper of the house and demanded that the speakers should request the attendance of ministers, in order that Congress might be informed of the crisis, which it was understood embraced not only the cabinet, but even the Crown. Rivero replied from the chair that he had already sent repeated messages to the government, requesting their presence, and that this would be the last he proposed to send. At this moment the ministers entered the chamber, the president of the council foremost. Mr. Zorrilla at once rose and requested Mr. Figueras to repeat the inquiry which had been addressed to the government through the chair in the absence of the cabinet. Figueras promptly responded, saying he would omit his preamble and come to the point. He wanted the house to hear what the government proposed to do in the present juncture, and if the government was not prepared to submit a proposition, he would do so himself. Zorrilla made a long speech in reply, to much of which the house listened with marked impatience. He said it was true the King had spoken of abdication, but nothing could transpire officially on so grave a matter until His Majesty had given the subject more reflection; that ministers had besought the King to pause in his purpose, and take twenty-four or forty-eight hours to reconsider his determination; that meanwhile, and in order that there should be no precipitation, he hoped the house would suspend its sittings, thus leaving the government disengaged from other duties, so that they might consider and frame the measures most expedient to be brought in for the action of Congress. While this debate was going on, a great multitude had gathered around the palace of the chamber of deputies. Although here and there an irrepressible agitator harangued groups of listeners, the crowd was calm, though anxious to know something of the action of the chamber. To satisfy this feeling and avert any untoward demonstration, several influential deputies came out and spoke to the people from the balconies and porticos of the building. Troops were sent for to keep the streets open and allow deputies to pass in and out of the palace. The arrival of a couple of companies of cavalry and a small force of infantry caused a flurry and some scampering, but it was soon seen that no offensive movement was contemplated. The people made way for the column, which broke into detachments, posted at the approaches to the palace, and kept a clear space for some distance. To return to the chamber. As soon as the president of the council concluded his long speech, Figueras rose to reply. Rivero, from the chair, said the rules did not allow a deputy to continue the discussion after his question had been answered. Figueras invoked the practice of Parliament to open a debate when a cabinet crisis was announced, remarking that this was even graver, since the very institutions of the country were tottering. Rivero suggested that the only way to open a debate was for Figueras to announce an "interpellation." Zorilla, on the part of the government, said they were not disposed to answer an interpellation, as they required all their time to meet the necessities of the situation; and he begged Mr. Figueras not to avail himself of the last resource afforded him by the rules-that of offering a proposition. Figueras replied that he regretted he could not acceed to the request of the president of the council of ministers, for to do so would make himself the most criminal of men. He demanded the reading of a proposition he had placed on the table before the order of the day was announced. The secretary then read the proposition, as follows: "Congress agrees to go into permanent session." (Signed by five members, as prescribed by rules-Figueras, Ramos, Calderon, Huelves, Patino, Puigcerver y Nieto.) Figueras supported his proposition in a brief, strong appeal, saying that the speech of the president of the council reminded him of what Tiberius said to his doctors: "You dispute while I die." The government asked forty-eight hours to consider while the country is in agony, and when in a few minutes the fate of the nation may be decided by the people. Are we here in a bed of roses, where we can slumber until it pleases the president to wake us up and tell us the King has revoked "an irrevocable resolution?" Do you know what may happen in twenty-four hours? Monarchies have a habit of procrastination. Who knows if in these twenty-four hours we shall not see armies here that will cover in mourning and blood the capital of Spain? Rather than this should happen I prefer that this should be the last day of my life. After having struggled thirty years for the republic, a solution that embraces all, and is the only salvation of the country, shall we repel it for the convenience of a dying dynasty? The president interrupted Figueras, saying, "I beg, sir, you will not reflect upon the dynasty." Many deputies exclaimed, "There is none!" Zorilla cried out, excitedly, "Prove to me there is no dynasty!" an exclamation that provoked laughter Figueras responded that he always yielded to the chair. He could do no less, however, than to put on record, in conclusion, the words pronounced by the minister of state when he fought with us in the opposition: "If the King disappears or perishes, we will say long live the nation." The King goes. What are we to say now? "Long live the nation!" The crown renounced! From the moment those words fell from the lips of the King, and the president communicates them to us here, they are beyond recall. Zorrilla said he had made no official communication to the chamber of the abdication of the King. If he had communicated to the council of ministers what His Majesty had said he had only done his duty; was that official? What reason has Mr. Figueras given to precipitate a crisis and ask Congress to declare itself in permanent session. Is he afraid that for some reason or other our liberties will be lost? Does he suspect us to be traitors? Does he think we are weak? Suppose we are weak! What powers does he wield to substitute for ours, to do what we are unable to accomplish? What is meant by this permanent session? I beg Mr. Figueras to explain his purpose. Is it understood that the session is to go on even in the absence of a majority of the deputies, as if an enemy were at our gates? Is it intended that the chamber may at any moment come to a supreme decision, overturning the dynasty and the government and all the public powers? If so, the government cannot accept the proposition. Figueras said he did not suspect any one in particular, but every one in general. He was like the authors of the representative system, neither more nor less. He was accustomed to hear many promises, and the sound of cannon answering them. It was not intended that Congress should go on debating interminably, because moments may happen in which there will be nothing to discuss. But he demanded there should be no adjournment; that they should await events in their seats, and meet them in a way becoming the magistracy of a great nation. Zorrilla said he recognized the solicitude of the chamber, but he could not admit that the government needed a guardian to see that it performed its duties. The cabinet was competent to fulfill its trusts and defend liberty. Figueras said he was sure the minister had not understood him. Every one knew there was no executive power; that a struggle was imminent between the legislative and executive departments. We were menaced by a reactionary ministry. The president of the council himself intimated that he had so advised the King. Zorrilla interrupted and said he had not said this, but he had a right so to advise the King. FIGUERAS. "I so understand you; if I am mistaken I am glad. We are in critical moments. It is necessary that Madrid see a power to protect it; that the Cortes be here in the exercise of their powers to meet any exigency." ZORRILLA. "Let it be understood that I have had no occasion to advise the King, and that I have not advised him. The ground taken that there is no executive power confirms my position. One of two things must be done. If there is an executive authority, as I affirm, there is no need of a permanent session. If the chamber thinks that the executive has ceased to exist, then let it proceed to name one at once. The republicans and other deputies can be as distrustful as they choose, but I maintain that the cabinet exercises the executive power, with the sanc tion of the Crown and the vote of the chambers, until we are dismissed by the one or the other. I might have furnished Mr. Figueras a solution consistent with the dignity of the government and the apprehensions of himself and his friends, but he wishes something else to which I cannot consent." The MINISTER OF STATE, (Martos.) "This is not the time for long speeches, but for great and patriotic decisions. The situation is grave. Let us not aggravate it. Let us consider calmly what is happening. Mr. Figueras has reminded me of what I said on a former occasion. I do not forget the words. I said one day, from yonder benches, (pointing to the left.) that when all should be lost, that when unhappily there should be no king, we would cry: "The King is dead-long live the nation!' I repeat it now. But let the chamber say it when the King is gone. I beg you to hear me, to listen to one who has a right to your attention, because he has never spoken unless to express his honest, sincere, and patriotic purposes. Does not the constitution afford us the means to meet pacifically and legally any crisis that may arise? If so, you have not the right to anticipate events or to manifest distrust. Your apprehensions may be excused by your patriotism, but they have no foundation. Has the moment arrived when you should bring to this bulwark of liberty the torch of discord? I am a minister of the Crown, one of a cabinet that has thus far merited the confidence of the chambers. I must preserve my honor and loyalty as one of His Majesty's ministers, and more than ever if His Majesty persists in his determination. I heard with disdain the excitations to a greater loyalty addressed to me in times when the dynasty was prosperous, but in this hour of the King's extremity I shall not refuse him m |