and firmness of the monarch? The King cannot recall his resolution, and consequently we cannot occupy ourselves with his reflections. At all events, I, for one, do not believe that we can or should sacrifice the wel fare of the country to personal questions."

Mr. FIGUERAS. "I do not understand how the president of the council can maintain that my proposition is derogatory to his character, nor how he can doubt its opportuneness, when, from his own mouth, we know that an event of the gravest importance to the destinies of the country is imminent. We are told the King has announced a decision, and we, proceeding in good faith, cannot suffer our liberties to be endangered. We do not insist that the cabinet shall remain here in the chamber, nor is it necessary that those deputies who do not share our apprehensions should remain in this place. We do not propose to deliberate; we will remain here without action, but organized and ready for action. Unless we do this, I predict days of mourning and blood for Madrid; blood and mourning that will fall on the heads of those whose obstinacy refuses so ust a remedy."

A pause followed, in which the president of the council, the minister of state, and several others of the cabinet were in consultation in their seats. It was evident a difference of opinion existed between Mr. Zorrilla and Mr. Martos. Mr. Martos was about to quit the blue bench; his colleagues earnestly dissuading him, secreted his hat under the bench, and he resumed his seat with much apparent reluctance. Mr. Zorrilla then rose to leave, and repelling the efforts to detain him, he retired from the chamber. Whereupon

Mr. MARTOS said, "I have not perhaps clearly understood Mr. Figueras. The circumstances are grave, and, according to my latest information, graver than we could have thought. I beg, therefore, that Mr. Figueras will explain his purpose. The government desires, if it can do so consistently with the requirements which its dignity imposes on this most unhappy occasion, to be among the first in averting the evils foreshadowed by Mr. Figueras, and which may not unreasonably be apprehended. Wishing thus to avoid every motive for dissension, and trusting there may be no occasion for a vote, I pause for Mr. Figueras's explanation." FIGUERAS. "I have already said that we shall wait here, organized, but without deliberating, until the government decides upon its course; that we shall discuss nothing, remaining, however, in our places, regarding ourselves as in permanent session."

MARTOS. "Mr. Figueras desires that, without action, we remain assembled here prepared for any contingency, the flag flying over the palace as the sign that the chamber is in session. Is this the proposition? [Cries of 'Yes, yes!'] Well, then, would to God that with the same facility we might settle the difficulties of to-day and those that may come to-morrow."

The PRESIDENT OF THE CHAMBER. "Congress orders a permanent session without deliberation, and as the presiding officers will remain here, I desire that a committee be named to remain with us.” (Many deputies: "Let the president name the committee.")

The secretary then read the names of the committee appointed by the president, and the session was, pro forma, suspended at nine o'clock at night, after a sitting of six hours.

During these proceedings in the chamber the crowd outside had increased to thousands. The usual entrance for deputies was besieged by an inquisitive throng whose curiosity was from time to time gratified by the appearance of a prominent deputy, assuring them of a prompt and peaceful republican solution. The republican deputies had issued

a printed address, which was posted through the streets of Madrid, advising their supporters to abstain from all violent demonstrations. The republican directory, comprising Castelar, Figueras, and Pi y Margall, communicated assuring intelligence to their friends in the provinces. Ministers had likewise announced to provincial governors and captainsgeneral the probable abdication of the King, and enjoining the strictest vigilance and utmost zeal in maintenance of order.

Satisfactory answers had been received from most of the provinces. The only ground for apprehension seemed to be that the suspension of the sitting of the Cortes without action might be made a pretext for disturbances. It was understood that the conservative leaders were in council during the afternoon and evening at the house of Mr. Sagasta. They expected to be summoned by the King to form a new cabinet, efforts having been made by the Duke of Fernan Nunez, General Concha, Admiral Topete, and others, to persuade the King to desist from his proposed abdication and change his advisers. It was even said on good authority that a deputation of army officers, backed by General Concha and others, proposed to the King to authorize them to put themselves at the head of the troops of the Madrid garrison, and enable the King to dismiss Zorrilla and his colleagues, dissolve the Cortes, suspend the constitution, and maintain the throne. The King disapproved of all these suggestions. He said he had sworn to obey the constitution; that he had kept faith with the country, approving all measures sanctioned by the Cortes, and had endeavored to do justice to all parties; that all the factions, except the one in power, were habitually arrayed against him, and that it was too late now for him to give his confidence to those who had kept aloof from the court until no honorable resource was left but to return his crown to the Cortes, from whom he had received it, and leave the country free to determine its destinies. Marshal Serrano arrived in town the same evening from the south, and it was expected that he would put himself at the head of a conservative movement, but without the support of the troops, from whom he had long been separated, and in presence of so formidable a popular rising in favor of a republic, the reactionary military leaders shrunk from the responsibility and risks of action, preferring to await events and hold themselves ready to profit by any favorable opportunity that might present itself. The government called out several battalions of citizen-militia which guarded the public buildings and squares during the night. The main body of the garrison remained in their quarters under arms. Thus the night was passed in tranquillity.

At 3 in the afternoon of Tuesday, the 11th, the chamber of deputies resumed the sitting suspended the night before, with an announcement from the presiding officer that a communication had been received from the government, which the secretary read as follows:

To the President of the Chamber of Deputies:

YOUR EXCELLENCY: At half-past one this afternoon, accompanied by the minister of state, I presented myself in the royal chambers, in compliance with His Majesty's request, and received from the King the inclosed document, which I have the honor to transmit to your excellency, in order that it may be communicated to Congress. MANUEL RUIZ ZORRILLA.

MADRID, February 11, 1873.

The secretary then proceeded to read the abdication of the King in the following words:

To the Chamber:

Great was the honor bestowed upon me by the Spanish nation when it elected me to occupy its throne, an honor all the more appreciated by me since it was offered to me environed by the difficulties and dangers which accompany the task of governing a country so deeply agitated.

Animated, however, by the firmness of purpose natural to my race, which seeks rather than shuns danger; fully determined to seek my sole inspiration in the good of the country, and to raise myself above all party level; resolved to fulfill religiously the oath I took before the Constituent Cortes; and ready to make all manner of sacrifices in order to give to this heroic nation the peace it needs, the freedom it deserves, and the greatness to which its glorious history and the uprightness and constancy of its sons entitle it, I thought that my limited experience in the art of governing would be compensated by the loyalty of my nature, and that I should find powerful aid in warding off the dangers and conquering the difficulties that were not hidden from my view in the sympathy of all those Spaniards who, loving their native land, were desirous of putting an end to the bloody and barren struggles which for so many years have been gnawing at its vitals.

I realize that my good intentions have been in vain. For two long years have I worn the crown of Spain, and Spain still lives in continual strife, departing day by day more widely from that era of peace and prosperity for which I have so ardently yearned. Had the enemies to her happiness been foreigners, then, at the head of our valiant and tried soldiers, I would have been the first to give them battle. But all those who, with sword and pen and speech, aggravate and perpetuate the troubles of the nation, are Spaniards; they all invoke the hallowed name of fatherland; they all strive and labor for its well-being; and, amidst the din of combat, amidst the confused, appalling, and contradictory clamor of the contestants, amidst so many and so widely opposed manifestations of public opinion, it is impossible to choose the right, and still more impossible to find a remedy for such vast evils. I have earnestly sought a remedy within the bounds of law. Beyond this limit he who is pledged to obey the law has no right to go.

None will attribute my determination to weakness of spirit. No danger could move me to take off the crown from my brows if I believed that I wore it for my country's good. Neither have I been influenced by the peril that threatened the life of my august wife, who, in this solemn moment, joins me in the earnest hope that in good time free pardon may be given to the authors of that attempt.

Nevertheless, I am to-day firmly convinced of the barrenness of my efforts and the impossibility of realizing my aims.

These, deputies, are the reasons that move me to give back to the nation, and in its name to you, the crown offered to me by the national suffrage, renouncing it for myself, my children, and my successors.

Be assured that, in relinquishing the crown, I do not give up my love for this noble and unhappy Spain, and that I bear away with me from hence no other sorrow than that it has not been possible for me to accomplish for her all the good my loyal heart so earnestly desired.

PALACE OF MADRID, February 11, 1873.”

AMADEO.

The PRESIDENT. "Gentlemen of the chamber, the renunciation of the crown of Spain by Don Amadeo, of Savoy, remands to the Spanish Cortes the sovereign authority over the kingdom. This event would be grave if, in the presence of the majesty of the Cortes, anything could be grave or difficult. As this chamber cannot, by itself, exercise the powers now devolved on Congress, the presence and co-operation of the senate being necessary, I have the honor to propose that a message be addressed to that body, which is already written, in order that both chambers, representing the sovereign authority, shall take such action in relation to the document just read as the emergency demands. The motion was agreed to without debate.

Mr. Salaverria and Mr. Ulloa, leaders respectively of conservative seetions of the chamber, addressed the house, expressing their sense of the gravity of the situation; declining, however, to present any proposition, and declaring their willingness to support any government that might be established which would afford guarantees of peace, public order, good administration, and the maintenance of the national territory in

tact.

Castelar acknowledged the patriotic attitude indicated by the remarks of the conservative speakers. He said the declarations to which they had just listened in this temple of the laws gave him hope, gave him assurance, that now, as in 1808, all Spaniards would forget their differences in a

common effort for the salvation of the country. The scruples of these gentlemen were legitimate, and had been expressed with a propriety of phrase and a dignity for which the chamber could never be sufficiently grateful, and that history would record with applause. "It is my duty," said Castelar, "to point out the singular fact that all is foreseen in the constitution except the present contingency, when an entire dynasty renounces the crown. The abdication of a monarch in favor of his legitimate successors is provided for. But a monarchical constitution could not be expected to anticipate the renunciation of the reigning dynasty. In these supreme circumstances, when it is necessary that authority shall not cease for an instant, while it is becoming that we should follow prescribed legal forms as far as possible, the sovereign authority of these chambers must interpose and supply a remedy for a case not contemplated by the framers of the constitution. We have ever seen in times of danger, as well in the war of independence as in the civil war, that the country has heard but one voice, the Cortes-Let the Cortes save the monarchy!' 'Let the Cortes save liberty!' 'Let the Cortes save order! Now, then, let the Cortes save the honor, the independence, and the integrity of the country. I have but one observation more to make. I have never declined responsibility. I have always declared that the great problem is to ally order with liberty. Shoulder to shoulder with my comrades I have fought all extremes and all demagogues, and I promise you, on my honor and conscience, that while my life is spared, and while I have a voice to speak, I will make every sacrifice for the honor of the nation, for the preservation of its territory, for social order, and for the union of all Spaniards."

After a brief recess, at half past 4 p. m. the secretary, Moreno Rodriguez, read the following message from the senate:

To the chamber of deputies:

In view of the abdication of His Majesty and of the message of your honorable body, the senate considers it necessary that the two houses should meet as one assembly to provide for the public safety. In communicating this resolution to the chamber of deputies, the president of the senate is authorized to confer with the president of the chamber of deputies, to the end that this union may be effected.

PALACE OF THE SENATE, February 11, 1873.

LOREANO FIGUEROLA, President.
FEDERICO BALART, Senator, Secretary.
VICENTE DE FUENMAYOR, Senator, Secretary.

The PRESIDENT. "Ushers, inform the senate that the chamber awaits them."

The senate, preceded by two mace-bearers, entered the chamber.

The PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE. "Mr. President of the chamber of deputies, the Spanish senate, in virtue of a resolution it adopted, and which I have had the honor to communicate to you, comes here to unite itself with the chamber and form one assembly, in presence of the neces sities of the country."

The PRESIDENT OF THE CHAMBER. "The senators will take seats, in order that the two co-ordinate legislative bodies may constitute themselves the sovereign Congress of Spain."

The senators being seated promiscuously among the deputies, the president of the senate occupying a place to the right of the president of the chamber, the latter, as presiding officer of the sovereign Cortes, said: "The chamber of deputies and the senate united, constituting the Spanish Cortes, are in session. Let this be recorded in the minutes. And, by the privilege of my seniority, which no one can envy, I preside.

On behalf of the chamber of deputies, Messieurs Lopez and Rodriguez will act as secretaries. Senators Balart and Benot will act as secretaries, representing the senate. I now declare that the sovereign Cortes of Spain is organized and in session."

Thereupon Secretary Rodriguez read again the act of abdication.

The MINISTER OF STATE, (MARTOS.) "The president of the council of ministers is unable to present himself before the chambers in these grave, and for us most unhappy circumstances, to address the sovereign Cortes of Spain. In endeavoring, as far as I can, to fill his place, I have a few words to address to you. Neither the weight of responsibility pressing upon me nor the solemnity of the situation surrounding us permits anything like a speech from me at this moment. The occasion demands from us prudent, salutary, and great acts. I have only to say to you, gentlemen, that His Majesty the King of Spain, Don Amadeo I, of Savoy, to whom we still hold the relation of responsible advisers, has announced to us this morning his irrevocable resolution to resign the crown into the hands of the sovereign Cortes, the representatives of Spain, from whom he received it. In view of this impressive circumstance, it is needless for me to advert to the obvious responsibilities and duties devolving upon this assembly, duties which it cannot fail to comprehend and fulfill. With this communication, gentlemen, the powers of the present government cease. In the name of my colleagues, in their behalf and for myself, I now surrender the powers we received from the King to this assembly, which from this moment becomes the sole and only sovereignty. May Almighty God grant to all of us the wisdom of which the country has need! May all Spaniards unite with us, as the country may rightfully demand of them, for the salvation of liberty and the guardianship of the interests of society."

Mr. Martos and his colleagues then quitted the blue bench and took their seats among the deputies.

The PRESIDENT, (RIVERO.) "Do the sovereign Cortes accept the res ignation of the crown tendered by Don Amadeo of Savoy?”

Accepted without a dissenting voice.

The PRESIDENT. "Do the Cortes agree to send a message to this illus trious prince, expressing their regret and accepting the resignation?" This was agreed to unanimously.

The PRESIDENT. "Shall a committee be appointed to prepare and report a message?"

This was agreed to.

The PRESIDENT: "It is always difficult to appoint committees."
Mr. JUAN BAUTISTA ALONSO: "Let the president name it.”

The PRESIDENT: "Is it the order of the Cortes that the president name the committee?"

It was so ordered.

The PRESIDENT: "I ask permission to retire to select the committee. Meanwhile the president of the senate will occupy the chair."

After a brief interval the president announced the following committee on the message to the King: Figueras, Castelar, Nunez de Velasco, Marquis of Sardoal, Rivero, Cervera, Herrero, Benot, Chao, Rojo Arias, Fuenmayor Belart:

After some twenty minutes had elapsed Mr. Castelar ascended the tribune and said:

"I should address a word of explanation to the chamber before reading the report. Naturally the members of the committee were not agreed upon the terms in which the address to the King should be written. But they have understood it was not a moment to insist upon personal