ing the arch of Charles III, and approaching the main body of the insurgents stationed in the bull-ring, it was evident I was not regarded with friendly eyes. Proceeding along the Barrio Salamanca toward headquarters, which, it was understood, were established at the resi dence of Marshal Serrano, I met ex-Governor Albareda, a well-known adherent of Mr. Sagasta, on the way toward the rebel camp. In the grounds about Marshal Serrano's house were a number of people, several in uniform, but no troops nearer than the bull-ring, some two or three hundred yards distant. The streets, except in the localities I have named, were deserted. The houses were generally closed, here and there a woman looking out from an upper balcony. Flags were displayed from all the legations save ours, as I chose to await the outbreak of hostilities. Supposing the government would take the initiative, and that its first step would be to seize Marshal Serrano's house and arrest the leaders assembled there, I remained some time in that vicinity on the Fuente Castellana, the usual drive toward evening. Observing two deputies approaching me rapidly, and learning from them that the artillery was about to open fire on the bull-ring, I yielded to their suggestions, and, following their example, returned to my quarters. Listening for the sound of cannon and hearing nothing, I was about to go to the palace of the Cortes when information reached me that General Hidalgo, having placed three batteries of artillery in position, well supported by republican volunteers, the main body of the rebel forces had surrendered and given up their arms. The battalions in the Medina-Celi palace, learning what had happened at the bull-ring, followed the example of their friends, and were disarmed.

The government had triumphed without a shot. The minister of war sent an officer with an order to Marshal Serrano to report in person to the ministry. The marshal promised to obey at once, but instantly took refuge in close concealment. Toward night it was rumored that the committee was still in session at the Cortes, and bent on mischief. This provoked the crowd outside the building to demand admission, which being refused by the servants in charge, the doors were forced, and the remaining deputies, among whom were Rivero, Becerra, Echegaray, Figuerola, and De Sardoal, would have been sacrificed to the fury of the mob if they had not found temporary hiding-places about the premises. Castelar and Nicolas Salmeron repaired promptly to the spot as soon as they were informed of what was happening, and, at great peril to themselves, succeeded, after many efforts, in rescuing their enemies from grave danger. The rest of the night passed tranquilly. The crisis was over. The gov ernment remained master of the situation. The news was telegraphed all over Spain, and the wires brought back the usual felicitations from all points of the compass. Nothing better illustrates the peculiar phases of Spanish politics, and, consequently, of Spanish character, than the singular circumstance that on the following day, and for several days after Castelar and his colleagues had heroically rescued the opposition leaders from imminent peril, detachments of troops were, by order of the authorities, hastily searching their houses and the residences of relatives. and friends for these same persons. Like means were taken to find Marshal Serrano; and yet nothing was easier than his arrest during all the afternoon of the 23d. These domiciliary visits were continued until the whereabouts of the parties became well known, and then ceased. Rivero, who, it was understood, was to succeed Figueras as President, and name Serrano as minister of war, with the command of the forces, found refuge in the war department, in the private apartments of the minister, General Acosta, who, in turn, feeling embarrassed in having to prosecute old

friends in the army, resigned as soon as order was restored. Rivero, not feeling assured of the reception he might have at the hands of General Acosta's successor, changed his quarters. The Duke de la Torre, the Marquis de Sardoal, Martos, Echegaray, Sagasta, and others soon afterward got away disguised to France, the government furnishing some of them with passports under assumed names while maintaining a rigid surveillance on the roads to prevent the escape of persons compromised by the late events. There is only one phrase which can describe these traits of Spanish life, and that is naturally enough Castilian-"Son cosas de España."

You will expect some explanation of the circumstance that this conflict was provoked by the leaders of the assembly, who, on the 11th of February last, united in proclaiming a republican form of government, and in choosing the present executive. This requires a brief review of events. The first cabinet chosen by the assembly was composed of four radicals and four republicans. The radicals were believed to have accepted the republic from necessity rather than from conviction or choice; indeed, they said so frankly in the debates. The popular instinct, seldom wrong in such matters, at once detected danger in allowing half-way converts so large a share in the direction of affairs. Agitation for their removal immediately began to make headway. Figueras, Pi y Margall, Castelar, and Nicolas Salmeron soon saw that they must retire unless colleagues were given them out of the ranks of the old repúblican party. They intimated as much in private to the members of the assembly, and on the 25th of February, fourteen days after taking office, President Figueras and the cabinet resigned in a body.

It was now necessary for the radical leaders to choose between taking charge of a republican government without a republican constituency, or to yield the whole executive power to recognized republicans and content themselves with the means they held in the assembly to control the executive through the responsibility of ministers to parliament. The latter course was adopted and a homogeneous republican executive elected. In truth the majority of the assembly had, from the very night of the procla mation of the republic, found itself divided by a serious personal diffi culty which had arisen between Rivero and Martos. Rivero resigned the presidency of the chamber, feeling that in the question between himself and his associates the sympathies of the house were with the latter. Martos was chosen to succeed him. These two men united controlled the assembly; divided, and Zorrilla, the recognized chief of the party, in voluntary exile, the majority was without a policy or a leader. The republicans, although never counting more than a fourth of the body, were nevertheless compact, earnest, and ably led. They pushed directly forward to their object, and gained it at once.

It was not long, however, before it became evident that whatever dis sensions might exist in the assembly among the partisans respectively of Martos and Rivero, the loss of power had alienated the sympathies the radical party had at first shown toward the republican executive. An opposition was being organized that must soon prove fatal to President Figueras and his colleagues unless means could be found to check it. A cry came from the north for the dissolution of the assembly. Barcelona proclaimed the "federal republic." The ancient principality of Catalonia asserted its independence as a sovereign state. These movements were followed by popular demonstrations in Malaga, Cadiz, Valencia, Seville, and Saragossa. President Figueras hastened to Barcelona apparently for the purpose of using his great personal influ ence in his native province toward restraining an outbreak, which in

deed afforded him the best weapons he could use in his contest, already imminent, with the assembly. He returned after a somewhat prolonged absence, having only partly succeeded in his supposed object, which was said to be that of bringing back Catalonia to her allegiance. The truth was he had checked a movement which had gained premature headway, and had managed to hold it in reserve to be let loose when it might curb the hostility of his enemies.

Returning to the capital, the President announced the next day his ultimatum to the astonished leaders of the majority: dissolution of the assembly, or the resignation of the republican executive. These bold demands were rejected with defiance by Martos, Echegaray, Becerra, Sardoal, and Figuerola. Rivero acquiesced in the attitude of his friends, but was silent. A bill providing for the dissolution of the assembly and the election of a Constituent Cortes was presented by a republican deputy. Figueras, in a brief speech, declared that the government made the passage of the bill a cabinet question. The house, divided into sections, according to Spanish custom, went into an election for members of a special committee to consider the bill. The royalist radicals carried eight committeemen and the government only one. The resignation of the executive was looked for as an immediate consequence. But it was soon seen that a master of parliamentary tactics, a statesman of no ordinary grasp, a leader of rare genius, shaped the policy of the republican party. The cabinet, to gain time, declared that it would abide the vote of the house on the bill when reported by the committee. Agitation all over the country was renewed. Catalonia became violent. The army in the north showed strong republican proclivities. The soldiers said they had been taken from their homes as conscripts to serve the King, and now that monarchy was at an end, they demanded to be discharged. Spain, without an army, was on the verge of dissolution. The committee deliberated a few days, and under party pressure brought in a bill prolonging the existence of the assembly, postponing the election of a Constituent Cortes, and denying the executive the means it asked for the conduct of the war against the Carlists. General Primo de Rivero presented a minority report, signed only by himself, favorable to the views of the government.

Madrid now felt the currents of popular passion concentrating on the capital from all parts of Spain. Large groups of resolute men were constantly seen about the Cortes. The president of the assembly, Martos, demanded a stronger guard for the chamber. Alarmed for his person, he slept in a private apartment within the building. The assembly hesi tated to push matters to an encounter. Prudent members advised the leaders to come to an understanding with the government. A compromise was proposed: Castelar and three other republicans would be retained in the cabinet, but room must be made for the return of an equal number of radicals to office, with Rivero as chief executive, in place of Figueras. The truce was rejected as soon as offered. On the eighth of March the issue was decided. A vote was taken on the proposition to substitute the report of General de Rivero for that of the majority of the committee. Ramos Caldernn, a friend of Rivero's, who represented the balance of power in the assembly, announced, in the name of his absent chief and of his supporters, that they would sustain the minority report in favor of the government bill. This was decisive, and the motion was carried by a large majority.

Martos, in his turn, now resigned the presidency of the chamber, after a brief tenure of less than a month, and retired as well from the directing councils of his party. The power of the assembly was lost. Nobody

paid it reverence. Guerrilla attacks made every day by a few members, who arraigned the government on petty complaints, wearied sensible people, and soon brought the body into contempt. The republican leaders pressed their advantage, gave notice that they insisted on the immediate dispatch of pending business and a speedy adjournment. There were not wanting, however, certain elements in the assembly that clung tenaciously to the thought that while there is life there is hope. The republicans found an ally in an unexpected quarter. The opponents of the emancipation bill-the conservative group in the chamber and the whole conservative press in Madrid, organs of the "league"-unexpect edly joined in the cry for immediate adjournment. Anxious above all to perpetuate slavery in Cuba, they helped to remove the only obstacle in the way of revolution in Spain. Day after day they exclaimed, "Like Amadeo, the assembly has abdicated! It has neither moral nor politi cal authority to legislate upon any subject. It is dead; let it bury itself!"

Figueras was not slow to see that the moment had come when he could deal a final blow. On the 25th of March he demanded the passage, that very day, of all the pending government bills, including that for the abolition of slavery in Porto Rico, to be followed by an immediate adjournment. Many deputies had left the capital. There was not much resistance, except so far as concerned the emancipation act. The majority, demoralized, divided, and alarmed, yielded everything. It was, however, supposed that the anti-slavery bill might be defeated by leaving the house without a quorum for the enactment of laws-a half, plus one, of the whole number of members. The indifference of the radicals aided the zeal of the conservatives, and it seemed likely the house would be counted out on a division being demanded. All sorts of appeals were made to the government not to press this bill. They were urged to conciliate Cuba and Porto Rico by concessions in the matter of their slave interests. They were warned not to excite Spanish jealousy, by inclining too much toward the policy of the United States. The bill was, indeed, regarded as lost. It was then that Castelar made his supreme effort. In a brilliant speech he boldly declared that the defeat of this measure would be followed in June by a general emancipation act, with out indemnity, immediate and unconditional, extending to Cuba as well as Porto Rico. He affirmed that it was in vain to deny the international character the slavery question had acquired. He showed the impossi bility of maintaining an institution already condemned by the civilized world. This act passed, he said, the question in Cuba might be dealt with dispassionately. Defeated, the government declined all responsi bility for the consequences.

The conservatives saw the danger, held out a flag of truce, and asked a parley. A recess of an hour was granted. The conference had lasted three hours, and was not ended. Suspicions of bad faith were aroused, and the house, under the lead of the government, was about to vote. At length an agreement was announced, and the bill was passed unanimously, amid a scene of indescribable enthusiasm and joy. Thus closed the session of the assembly. Confidence, harmony, and good feeling seemed to have obliterated all trace of the controversies of the past month. The omens now were all favorable to the new republic. The assembly had dissolved. It had granted all the means the government needed. All parties had agreed on a settlement of the colonial question. The elections would take place in May. The Cortes Constituyentes would meet in June, and in that arena new parties and new ideas would contend for supremacy. Comparative repose followed the adjournment of

the assembly. The discipline of the army was re-established. Order was restored in Barcelona. The surface of politics in Madrid became tranquil. The emancipation act elicited kindly expressions of sympathy from abroad. The approaching election engaged the attention of parties at home. A prompt appeal to the nation afforded the best answer to those who hesitated to recognize the legitimacy of the government. Nevertheless, before many days had passed it was plain that the adjournment of the assembly was a truce and not peace. The old parties saw with dismay that republican opinions had taken a deeper hold of the ople than was expected. When General Prim was asked why he did not establish a republic in 1868, he replied, "It would have been a republic without republicans." Now, when members of the assemblywho had proclaimed a republic and were not republicans themselvessolicited the suffrages of their districts as candidates for election to the Cortes they found their constituencies seeking representatives among those of pronounced and consistent republican antecedents.

It was discovered that power was passing from old hands to new. The republic proclaimed in an exigency by a monarchical assembly was not to be a phrase and form only. Indeed, unless checked, a revolution more formidable than Spain had ever seen was imminent. A cry of alarm, even of despair, went up from all old parties. They exclaimed: "The federal republic is death to the unity of Spain!" "Without the army order is impossible!" "The established church is in danger!" "The colonies are lost!" "Europe will combine to crush the republic, and our territory will be occupied by foreign armies!" Then began a warfare against the republican executive without a parallel in my observation of politics.

The purpose was to alarm everybody who had anything to lose. If a breach of the peace happened it was magnified into a riot. If a soldier was disobedient, the army was disbanding. If a shepherd in Estramadura lost a sheep, the flocks and the herds were being distributed by agrarian agents of the internationalists. If the authorities of Barcelona affirmed their adhesion to a federal form of government, the commune was proclaimed in the first commercial town in Spain. If the curate of Santa Cruz and his followers upset a railway-train and fired on helpless passengers, Don Carlos at the head of his forces was marching on Madrid. If an unknown traveler came to the capital and registered his name illegibly, Cluseret or Felix Pyatt was in Madrid. Many of the aristocracy fled from the country panic-stricken, propagating their fears and multiplying the fables which had inspired them. European and American journals sent their war correspondents to the capital to report battles which have not yet been fought. The public credit was impaired by rumors of repudiation. People were induced to hoard their money by reports that the government threatened a forced loan from the Bank of Spain. In the provinces it was said that Madrid was a prey to the mob. In Madrid we were told that the provinces were in hopeless anarchy.

The truth was, so far as my means of observation extended, and according to the official reports received from the various consulates, that more than usual tranquillity prevailed in the principle towns. And compairing the situation of affairs with that which I had seen at the capital under the monarchy, there was much less uneasiness and apprehension in social circles than was felt in the two years of the difficult reign of Amadeo.

To proceed with my narrative:

Among the last acts of the assembly was the appointment of a com