on procedures to implement the general policy. I refer to the procedures embodied in the release of the Construction Industry Joint Conference Joint Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity, issued August 9, 1963, which reads as follows:

"On June 21, 1963, the general presidents of the international unions affiliated with the building and construction trades department adopted a program for nondiscriminatory employment policies in the construction industry as follows:

"1. In order to avoid discrimination, local unions are urged to accept into membership any applicant who meets the required qualifications regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin.

"2. If a local union has an agreement which provides for, and operates, an exclusive hiring hall, all applicants for employment are to be placed upon the hiring list in accordance with the applicable law and their collective bargaining agreement. There is to be no identification of applicants as to race, creed, color, or national origin, and they are to be referred without discrimination as their turn comes up on the hiring list, if their qualifications meet those required by the employer.

"3. If the local unions do not have an exclusive hiring hall, but do have a referral system set forth in their collective bargaining agreement, qualified applicants for employment are to be referred without discrimination as to race, creed, color, or national origin.

"4. With regard to the application for, or employment of, apprentices, local unions shall accept and refer, such applicants in accordance with their qualifications and there shall be no discrimination as to race, creed, color, or national origin, and the local unions shall adhere strictly to their apprenticeship standards.

"National contractor associations in the building and construction industry have approved a parallel policy.

"On July 26, 1963, there was established a joint committee of the building and construction trades department and the national associations of contractors through the Construction Industry Joint Conference, to implement this program and to consult informally with the Secretary of Labor and other governmental officers on proposed standards for determining contractor compliance with equal opportunity orders and on standards for nondiscrimination in apprenticeship and training policy.

"This committee of national leaders of labor and management in the construction industry urges that the local unions and the local chapters and associations of contractors promptly take the following action with regard to apprenticeship programs, whether or not they are registered with the Bureau of Apprenticeship and Training:

"1. Joint apprenticeship committees should review their apprenticeship programs to make certain that the qualifications of the applicant be the sole standard in the selection of apprentices.

"2. Joint apprenticeship programs that have lists of applicants for apprenticeship which are drawn up using any standard other than the qualifications of the applicant should review these lists and formulate new lists of applicants for apprenticeship selected in accordance with the qualifications of the applicants. Appropriate notice of opportunities for vacancies on such apprentice lists should be given regularly to the school system in the particular area. It is urged that the school systems cooperate with the trade unions and labor-management groups in this regard.

"3. An individual who is aggrieved by the administration of the apprentice selection process should have an opportunity for appeal. In most branches of the industry local joint apprenticeship programs should now establish an appeals board comprised of representatives of the parties and a public person, jointly selected by the parties, to review the complaint and to determine whether the apprenticeship standards for selection on the basis of the qualifications of the applicant have been properly applied in the particular case. Other branches of the industry may prefer to use their national machinery for such purpose.

"The Construction Industry Joint Conference Committee comprised of the building and construction trades department and the national associations of contractors believes that continuing informal consultation with the Secretary of Labor and other Government officers will be useful in implementing the above program and in resolving issues in particular localities. This committee believes that cooperation with the responsible national officers of labor and management

will achieve substantial results if utilized in advance of resort to sanctions contained in the apprenticeship regulations and standards for contractor compliance. The industry recognizes the Government's interest and its duty to correct economic injustice and pledges its good faith to work toward that goal." Working committees are engaged in the process of formulating additional procedures for the purpose of further implementation of the policies and principles which are set forth in the preceding documents.

It is a matter of deep personal pleasure to me that the unions and management in the building and construction industry have come forward with the substantial cooperation which has already been demonstrated in this area. I have been working personally in this complex and difficult field for many years. Prior to April 1960 when I became president of the department, I served as executive secretary of the California Labor Federation, AFL-CIO, and, prior to the merger between the AFL and the CIO, I served the California State Federation of Labor, AFL, in the same capacity. When I held that office, I initiated, sponsored, and worked actively to secure the enactment of section 1777.6 of the Labor Code of California which provides that:

"It shall be unlawful for an employer or a labor union to refuse to accept otherwise qualified employees as indentured apprentices on any public works, solely on the ground of the race, creed, or color of such employee."

This legislation was enacted January 11, 1951.

It is of interest to note that the original bill I supported did not limit the legislation to "public works." We sought to have the bill apply to all employment in the State.

In 1953 the State federation of labor in California caused to be introduced an FEPC bill (No. 917) "relating to prevention and elimination of practices of discrimination in employment and otherwise against persons because of race, religious creed, color, national origin, or ancestry, creating a State commission on fair employment practices, defining its functions, powers, and duties, providing for the appointment and compensation of its officers and employees." Legislation establishing a State commission on fair employment practices was finally enacted in April 1959.

Insofar as Federal legislation is concerned, the department considers it a privilege, as an integral part of the AFL-CIO, to subscribe wholeheartedly to the policy resolution on civil rights and civil liberties which was adopted by the AFL-CIO in the December 1961 convention which states that:

"We renew our support for the passage of an enforceible Federal Fair Employment Practices Act to outlaw discrimination in all employment by employers engaged in an industry affecting commerce, including all employment and training of apprentices and learners, and including all unions which represent employees engaged in employment affecting commerce.

"The fair employment practices law we seek should include the kind of conciliation and enforcement powers that have been tested and proved effective in the 20 States that have already enacted such laws."

We know how difficult it is to introduce reason and facts in the current atmosphere of hysteria and excitement.

The ultimate actual achievements will be based in our judgment on reason and fact rather than some of the more extreme publicity which has been engendered by recent events. It is in this spirit that I would offer a few facts to aid the committee to understand the building and construction trades problem in its true persective. The building and construction industry appears to have become almost the exclusive target in recent months of the effort to eliminate racial discrimination in employment. It is understandable that the Negro groups should address their action to the highly skilled trades in the building and construction industry where as a result of many years of effort both in terms of training through apprenticeship programs financed by the employers and unions and of skilled and vigorous trade union action, the individual worker's conditions and earnings are at a high level. It is respectfully submitted that the factors involved in the current ratios of Negro to white employees in these skilled high wage trades are the same as the factors involved in other similar areas of the American economic community.

The statistics of the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity show the ratio of nonwhite craftsmen to all craftsmen employed by the 65 companies participating in the "Plans for Progress" Program. These companies had a total employment in all categories of approximately 21⁄2 million, and included giant automobile and aircraft companies having collective bargain

ing agreements with the UAW, telephone companies having collective bargaining agreements with the CWA, and electrical manufacturing companies having collective bargaining agreements with the IUE. There was included one large nonunion construction company headquartered in Texas, and a diversified company headquartered in New York City which has a construction division which is in bargaining relationship with the building and construction trades unions. The total number of craftsmen employed by these mainly industrial companies in June 1962, was 449,459; the total number of nonwhite craftsmen was 11,247 or a ratio of 2.3 percent. In December 1962, after some progress achieved through the "Plans for Progress" program, the total number of craftsmen was 454,875; the total number of nonwhite craftsmen was 12,110 or a ratio of 2.6 percent.

It is interesting to note that the recent Department of Labor study (June 1963) of race ratios in employment on Federal construction jobs of 47 selected cities showed a ratio of 5.3 percent of Negro journeymen and apprentices to total journeymen and apprentices. The total number of journeymen and apprentices was 5,961, and the total number of Negro journeymen and apprentices was 316. The figures on total employment in this study are also interesting. Total employment was 7,795; total Negro employees was 1,389. The ratio of Negro to total employment was 17 percent which exceeded the ratio of Negro to total population.

The average hourly wage rate in a skilled trade in the building and construction industry is $4.42, which amounts to approximately $175 a week without overtime. The range of rates may go up to $5.14 an hour. Reference to the statistics of the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity shows that classified civil servants in the GS-12 and over group (the GS-12 employee's weekly salary is at approximately the same $175-per-week level) had a ratio of Negro to total number of employees of 0.8 percent.

In the light of these facts, we must demur to the present fad of singling out the building and construction industry and the building and construction trades unions as the scapegoat or the "whipping boy" for all the sins of the white population, the Government, and the educational system for the last 300 years. In doing so, we are not abating, in any way, our enthusiasm and support for achieving the proper and worthwhile objective of making the nondiscrimination policy of our great country an actual fact as well as a theoretical principle. We, therefore, support, wholeheartedly, the legislation pending before this committee which is intended to establish an orderly administrative procedure consistent with due process of law for the purpose of eliminating discrimination in employment because of race, color, religion, or national origin.

There are powerful moral reasons which are imbedded in the structure of our country and the structure of the labor movement for the enactment of such legislation. I would like to add that the American people, regardless of color, should recognize that it is in their enlightened self-interest to support this legislation. The elimination of discrimination in employment should permit a depressed segment of our society to rise to its proper place with consequent benefit to all in terms of increased purchasing power, increased production, and the lessening of crime ratios and all the other unpleasant aspects of poverty and oppression. I can see no consideration of self-interest which should induce any member of the white population of our country to believe that he has a vested interest in discrimination in employment against the Negro or other minority group.

Needless to say, it should also be recognized that the problem of discrimination can be handled more effectively in a period of full employment rather than in a period of substantial unemployment. The increase in jobs which will come about from the enactment of Government programs assuring full employment will make it easier, in fact, to accomplish our object of eliminating discrimination in employment. Although these measures are not before your honorable body for your consideration at this particular time, I believe it necessary that this point be made at any and all opportunities.

As I have indicated throughout this statement, the building and construction trades department is in wholehearted support of the objects of eliminating discrimination in employment because of race, color, religion, or national origin. It may be well to note, without diminishing the support in any way, that the principle of nondiscrimination should not be distorted into a principle of preference because of minority origins. Such preferential theories may sound attractive to particular voting groups, but they are not consistent with the

fundamental principles of the United States and of the labor movement. The adoption of such theories would intensify racial strife, and would thwart the accomplishment of the proper objective of the current pending legislative measures. Furthermore, we should not permit the desire to accomplish the object of nondiscrimination to destroy other values such as the need for conservation of the seniority principle in industry and the emphasis on qualifications as the individual standard for selection in employment.

STATEMENT OF CARL J. MEGEL, PRESIDENT, AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS

Mr. Chairman, my name is Carl J. Megel. I am president of the American Federation of Teachers, AFL-CIO, a national organization of classroom teachers affiliated with the labor movement. I consider it a great honor to have the opportunity to appear before your committee in support of legislation designed to provide economic opportunities for all of our American citizens without regard to race, creed, or national origin.

The American Federation of Teachers has a long and successful history in the area of civil rights, whether the objective has been integrated schools, community or job desegregation, or elimination of racial practices within our union. Our leadership among teacher organizations is will documented.

In 1931, the American Federation of Teachers denounced discrimination in education on the grounds of race.

In 1934, on the very first day of its convention, when it was found that Negro delegates were being compelled to use freight elevators to reach the convention hall, the American Federation of Teachers convention was immediately moved to another hotel.

Again in 1938, the American Federation of Teachers convention was moved from Cincinnati, Ohio, to Cedar Point, Ohio, when it was discovered that the hotel in Cincinnati would not accord Negro delegates equal rights and privileges. In 1939, the convention of the American Federation of Teachers adopted a resolution stating that:

"No discrimination shall ever be shown toward individual members because of race, religious faith, or political activities or belief, except that no applicant whose political actions are subject to totalitarian control, such as Fascist, Nazi, or Communist, shall be admitted to membership."

In 1948, the convention of the American Federation of Teachers decreed that no further charters would be issued on a segregated basis.

In 1951, the American Federation of Teachers, by convention action, passed a resolution prohibiting the issuance of charters to any local which discriminated in its membership because of race, and recommended that existing locals adopt nondiscriminatory clauses in their constitutions.

In 1953, a constitutional amendment was added to the American Federation of Teachers constitution, which states: "The practice of any local in limiting its membership on account of race or color shall render its charter void."

In 1954, the American Federation of Teachers filed an amicus curiae brief with the Supreme Court supporting the elimination of segregation in the schools of the United States.

In 1956, all segregated locals were required to surrender their charters and to institute integrated locals. This action resulted in the loss of more than 7,000 American Federation of Teachers members throughout the Southern States. In 1958, my president's editorial in our American Teacher condemned Governor Faubus for his action in Little Rock and urged President Eisenhower to become vocal and vigorous in guaranteeing all children full educational opportnuities. Through the efforts of the American Federation of Teachers, several hundred Negro boys and girls in Virginia are, at this very moment, being given educational opportunities by teachers who have volunteered their services during the summer months. This is the first time in 5 years that these boys and girls have had any opportunity to go to school.

At the present time, the American Federation of Teachers is cooperating with the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportnuity chaired by Vice President Lyndon Johnson. Together with more than 100 international presidents of the AFL-CIO, I signed the joint statement of union program for fair practices which called for a comprehensive attack upon all aspects of discrimination within unions and organized places of employment.

The recitation of these actions by our organization are related here, not for propaganda purposes, but to emphasize an extremely important point. These heroic actions have, of themselves, been quite insignificant in the overall march for civil rights for one important reason: lack of strong Federal statutes. Let me illustrate:

Previous to 1954, we had two locals in New Orleans, the New Orleans League of Classroom Teachers, a Negro local; and the New Orleans Federation of Teachers, a white local. These two locals rented an office for the joint use of both locals. Cooperatively, they hired an executive secretary who served both locals. His salary was paid on a membership ratio basis by both locals. They held joint executive board and membership meetings.

Following the American Federation of Teachers convention action in 1956 mandating integration, the New Orleans Federation of Teachers withdrew from the American Federation of Teachers. Their withdrawal did not occur because they refused to meet with Negro teachers. Their withdrawal was compelled by the tremendous pressures from various segments of the community. The State legislature passed restrictive legislation, the board of education applied discriminatory pressures, minority groups inflamed prejudicial rivalries which the teachers could not resist because their first consideration had to be that of retaining their jobs.

Until all Americans of whatever race are given assurance of equal opportunity in securing and holding jobs, little progress can be made in the other areas of civil rights.

For this reason, as president of the American Federation of Teachers, I wish to give full support to this committee in its endeavor to pass legislation which does not equivocate in outlawing discrimination in employment.

The legislation before you becomes the essence of any civil rights program. Before the Negro can find a place to live, a place to vote, or a school in which he may learn, he must have a job where he can work.

We firmly believe that equality of opportunity in voting, use of hotel and restaurant facilities and most especially educational opportunities become meaningless unless the Negro citizenry is given the employment motive and reward which make each one of these civil rights attainable.

Over 1,700,000 young Americans between the ages of 17 and 20 are neither in school nor at work, unemployed and illiterate, they represent a staggering economic loss to our Nation. Yet, their solutions are interrelated.

In our highly technological society, the world belongs to those who learn. On the other hand, incentives for learning lie in the knowledge that employment doors will be open for all, and that such employment requires advanced educational training and skills. This Nation cannot afford to neglect its schools any further and even less, to deny fair employment practices. By eliminating employment restrictions, the Negro's economic status will be enhanced so that his social, educational, and cultural freedom will become real.

As educators, we would like to teach in schools where all the students would graduate with equal opportunity for success. We would like to have confidence that our democracy fulfilled its proclamation that all men are created equal.

Senator CLARK. Our next witness is Dr. Eli Ginzberg, professor of economics of Columbia University. I am going to ask Senator Pell to preside briefly.

Senator PELL (presiding). Dr. Ginzberg, please proceed.

STATEMENT OF DR. ELI GINZBERG, PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

Mr. GINZBERG. Following Mr. McDonald I feel naked since I have no protection of staff on my right or left.

Senator JAVITS. Mr. Chairman, may I state for the record that I would like to welcome Professor Ginzberg who is a constituent of mine and a friend of very long standing, whom I consider to be one of the most distinguished authorities in the manpower field in the United States. I am very glad to see him before us.