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try instead of fighting against it. The first blood shed in our revolution was that of a negro; and there are numerous instances on record of services rendered by his race, even by those in bondage, during the struggle for independence; therefore, it seems to us rather ungrateful to talk now of sending his descendants to a foreign country. If we are overstocked with population, let us correct the evil by sending away those who cause the excess through immigration, not by ostracis

to the civilized world is dissipated in an in-couraging satisfaction of fighting for his counstant on seeing them; and Mr. Squier, our late Chargé to Nicaragua, states, in a letter to a reverend gentleman of this city, that he saw these very children in Central America on their way to the United States, and that nobody there doubted that they came from the place where it is said they were found. For ourself, we regard them as a medium through which the present will find means of unravelling the mystic web of the past, so far as relates to the ancient tribes or races of Central America; and to this end, we looking and banishing those who know no other with anxiety to the time when they will be able to develop their ideas in our own language. Meantime, our citizens will find in them a most interesting study. They are very playful, and seem to be perfectly healthy and happy.

The Colored PEOPLE.—What shall we do with the colored people? This is now the great question with the pseudo philanthropists; and the conclusion seems to be, that we must send them to Africa. To this proposition the colored people object, and, as we think, very reasonably and very naturally. America, the United States of North America, is the home of their birth, the land of their nativity, and they have no idea of being sent off to foreign lands. They are too patriotic, and know too well when they are well off, to leave this land of liberty, and health, and happiness, for one which they neither know nor care any thing about. Probably those who talk about sending the American-born negroes to Africa, to die with the coast-fever, would be horrified at the idea of sending the Irish, German, and other foreign residents of this country, back to their own lands; but we can assure those discriminating philosophers that such a procedure would be the more rational and politic of the two, and equally humane.

What has poor Sambo done, that such a world of astute philosophy and philanthropy is now expended upon him? He has always heretofore been contented, and as happy as the great mass of "white folks." As a general thing, he is a far more orderly and quiet citizen, and more intelligent, than the imported article of the lower class. He makes a better servant, and, in case of necessity, we will guarantee that he will make a better soldier; at least, he will have the cheering and en

home than the land of their birth, the country of "Massa Washington," whose memory they revere as ardently as any white man.

Give the colored man a good moral education and a trade, and he will take care of himself, and manage, by honest industry, to squeeze a comfortable subsistence out of the world, without troubling the philosopher of sympathy" and appeals to the humane, who the Tribune or the public with "cards of

take more interest in strangers than in their own household. We are utterly opposed to the proposition of a wholesale expatriation of the colored race, and so are they; and so long as that is the case, and so long as we can discover no evil results growing out of their

presence here, we question very much the assumed right to remove them, or the policy of encouraging them to emigrate.

THE BOSTON PILOT AND MARSHAL TUKEY.We like that fellow of the Boston Pilot, just as we like every thing that is what it professes to be. We like to see every man earnest in his calling, whether he be a statesman or a highway robber. Even the thief who steals adroitly and boldly, commands admiration for his finesse and frankness. So it is with the editor of the Pilot; he makes no mealy mouth, but speaks what he thinks right out; and there is something racy in his very impudence.

Last month, we published an address from the American people of Boston on the subject of the growth of foreign influence in the State of Massachusetts, and especially in Boston, in which the course of Marshal Tukey, (the Chief of Police of that city,) in relation to the appointment to his department of an Irishman, who, on entering the station-house, announced himself, with a whoop and a hurra,

as "Barney McGinniskin, from the bogs of Ireland," was fully sustained. Barney, it appears, was not only an Irishman "from the bogs of Ireland," but a Roman Catholic to boot; and the Pilot takes up his case with earnestness and vigor. Speaking of the Marshal, he says:

"This gentleman is getting too big to be contained in Boston.... We admit that he is a good, active, vigilant officer. So far as outside appearances go, the police department has been organized by him after a form superior to any hitherto known in Boston. He has evidently studied, with some attention, the system of police adopted in France. . . . He is absolute; full of very exalted notions concerning the importance of his department; and evidently thinks, as Ministers of police are prone to do, that if the police goes on well, the country is safe.

"His laconic report on the liquor traffic is an instance in proof, and a thing creditable to him. So was his conduct in the Sims case. 'Give me the order to guard the negro,' said he, ' and I will answer for his safe-keeping against any mob.' He kept his word.

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He knew that pickpockets would abound during our railroad jubilee. He wished to prevent their thefts. This was a good thing. A day or two before the jubilee, he forcibly assembled at the police station nearly all the persons, male and female, who were known to his department as likely to steal during the three days. No doubt, this measure of his saved considerable property," &c.

This is an excellent character for a Chief of Police-one that New-York sighs for in vain. A more efficient man could hardly be pictured in the imagination, and yet the Pilot wants to remove him because he refused to receive in his department an ignorant, incompetent, swaggering, riotous fellow; these were the objections to McGinniskin; and the editor of the Pilot insists that at the ballot-box Mr. Tukey must be turned out of office. The Marshal sent this fellow out of his department-dismissed him--but the new Mayor, Mr. Seaver, having the fear of the paddy-whacks and the Catholic bishop before his eyes, reappointed him. The Marshal, true to his duty as an efficient officer, and by virtue of a right in him vested, remained obdurate; he wouldn't budge, and McGinniskin can't get on the police. The battle now is between the Mayor and the Roman Catholic foreigners on the one side, and Marshal Tukey on the other. They seem determined to make it a test question of political strength between America and Europe-between a valuable public functionary, against whom his enemies can bring no blame, and the Roman Catholic

political power in the city of Boston; and since the Pilot appeals to the ballot-box, the Yankees must come up to the test. Hurra for Tukey and toleration! say we.

NOVELTIES. The people of the French nation have long had the credit of being an novelties; and hence the repeated, and often excitable people, ever active, ever seeking for surprising, revolutions which occur in that country. We are much mistaken, however, if, in the matter of novelty-seeking, the French, or indeed any other people on the face of the globe, can "hold a candle" to the "Yankee nation." Something new! is the eternal cry, and the craving maw of popular childhood must and will be satisfied. It matters not what the toy may be, so the thing is novel; whether a trumpet, a rattle, or a doll; but it must be new, and the farther it is brought, the better; for, as the poet says,

""Tis distance lends enchantment to the view."

It is well to make it cheap too, because, like other toys, when the gilding is worn off, it will be thrown aside to give place to another fit of the old craving after "something new."

This truth is singularly manifest in the case of Jenny Lind, on whom the happy public lavished more endearing superlatives than would serve to fill the great crystal palace. She was the "nightingale," the "sweet," the "good," the "angelic Jenny Lind." Gentle tropes, beautiful metaphors, and laudations almost bursting with rapture, were lavished upon her from every tongue, and every heart beat towards her with the pulsations of a locomotive. Twenty thousand dollars a night were paid for tickets to her concerts without grumbling, nay, with eagerness; the only grumbling heard was from those who couldn't get tickets; bouquets were at a premium; triumphal arches of flowers were erected over her pathway; her road was beset with crowds of enthusiastic worshippers, to such a degree that the most energetic energies of our "energetic police" were scarcely sufficient to clear the way of the idol, and give her a passport through the streets of the metropolis. Even the sanctity of her private chamber was invaded by eager admirers, longing to catch a glimpse of the skirt of her garment; in short, she was the new novelty of the day. Well, Jenny takes a turn through the country, and the same over

whelming adulation surrounds her. She returns to the metropolis, and announces a concert; but, alas! the novelty no longer exists a new toy has occupied the public mind. Her agents cannot sell tickets enough to pay for the gas-light, and the concert is given up:

"There is not one to do her reverence."

And yet Jenny Lind is the same "good," "sweet," "benevolent," "angelic creature," that she was when she first set her pretty foot on the Canal street dock, amid the deafening shouts of the very "obsequious public" who lined the piers from that point to the Battery.

This is but one case in thousands; and the popular pet is lucky if, in the end, it escapes a volley of peevish fretfulness from sated, wayward, novelty-seeking childishness; while, at the same time, the enthusiast feels a slight tingling of mortification at having made such an egregious puppet of himself. A little spice of deliberate common sense, sifted over the popular fancy, would tend to relieve its possessor from many embarrassing and equivocal positions, and make grown people look wiser.

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THE AMERICAN ARTISTS' ASSOCIATION. This association, now in its infancy, seems destined to take up the thread of popular favor where the Art Union has dropped it. The association is composed entirely of practical artists, and is organized for the purposes professed by the Art Union; and certainly the public may rely on the judgment of professional men, who have characters at stake, in the selection of pictures, as securely as upon a self-constituted committee of merchants and shopkeepers. The first distribution of the American Artists' Association took place on the 15th inst., at which a goodly number of excellent paintings were passed over to the lucky subscribers; and with another year's practice, we expect to see it the admired of all admirers. The following beautiful and truthful extract is from the address delivered by that accomplished artist and poet, William Walcutt, Esq., on the evening of the first distribution :

"Art, like every thing else, has its mission to perform. It has its origin in the innate sentiment of a people, and is fostered and perfected by education and refinement. The state of civilization of any country may be read in the condition of its

monuments of art; and, indeed, many countries owe the fame of their greatness to art alone. The sculptures and remains of paintings and ruins of the temples of Greece; the pyramids, and temples, and sphinx, and colossal remains, and paintings of Egypt, tell more of their former splendor and power than all else that is left of their history. Nineveh, now being exhumed from where it has been buried beneath the gathered dust of centuries, and known and heard of like a faint echo far down the vaults of time, is now being read, by its monuments alone, as plainly as if it were an open book. And in America, scattered over the plains of Yucatan and Mexico, are remains of temples and pyramids, before which men, even in this day, pause with wonder. And coming along up to the Gulf the Ohio, to the Northern lakes, are scattered of Mexico, up the valley of the Mississippi, and mounds and moats, and colossal figures of beasts, and ruins of ancient cities, whereby we are led back, in mind, over centuries of doubt, to the positive knowledge that at some remote age a powerful, intelligent, and numerous people, once inhabited this now styled new world. Time, in its destroying progress, has indeed laid his hand heavily upon all these; but still enough remain, like landmarks or headstones, whereon we read their mighty dead. Art has its mission, and faithfully does it fulfil it."

"THE REPUBLIC.-The December number of this truly American magazine came to hand last week. It is the able organ of the United Americans, and battles manfully against foreign influence. Strange that the Republic, a magazine of 48 closely printed pages, should be so little known in this section, while in New-York and East Jersey it graces the centre-table of nearly every man who cherishes a proper love for his native land. Every native American father should have it in his house."Philadelphia American Banner.

Thank you, friend Jones. We should like to see the Republic scattered a little more in your American neighborhood; and we are quite sure that nobody would suffer on account of your beautiful Banner, if it was distributed more generally in this direction. We always look for it with interest, and read it with delight.

THE AMERICAN PATRIOT.-A large and handsome paper bearing the above title has just reached us from Boston. It is devoted to the national cause, and is published weekly by J. E. Farwell & Co., at $2 a year. We have seen a notice of another American paper started in Boston by C. W. Dennison, Esq., but have not received a copy. The right spirit is awake in the City of Notions; yet we can't help giving our friends a word of caution, to wit: one paper well supported is better than a dozen doomed to sickly existence and early death.

CHRISTIAN EDUCATION.-The following lan- drawn from the study of the language of Christianity (Scripture) in primary schools. Again :

guage, made use of by Archbishop Hughes, in a letter to the Honorable Horace Greeley, demands serious attention :

"It is not necessary for me, I hope, to say that I am an advocate for general, nay, universal education. My efforts to establish colleges, seats of learning, and even day schools, for the education of youth in this diocese, will be a sufficient proof that I am no advocate of ignorance. Our disagreement, therefore, is not in regard to education itself, but in regard to the circumstances under which it is imparted. The divided condition of the community on the subject of religion has led to a system which affects to divorce the religious [rather Sectarian] doctrine of each denomination from the rudiments of primary science in schools. If we were a people of unbelievers in Christianity, this system would be in perfect harmony with our condition."

"I believe it would be more beneficial to the country and to society that the religious influences of the least desirable sect of professing Christians in the land should be felt in the common school, than that all Christianity, under the pretence of excluding all Sertarianism, should be eliminated."

tain Christ's doctrine and precepts, while rejectIs it, then, thrusting out Christianity" to reing merely the biased constructions thereofSectarian doctrines?

"It may suit other denominations to have their children brought up without any admixture of religious teaching in their education, but it does not suit [Roman Catholics.]

us

Is there, then, no religious teaching to be had from reading of the Testament?

We cannot see that this follows, so long as the New Testament is preserved as a reading-book in primary schools; for Christianity—the reliWe claim that the State has wisely deemed it gion of Christians-is, according to Webster, the expedient to remove all Sectarian influences “system of doctrines and precepts taught by from her schools, but at the same time to proChrist, and recorded by the Evangelists and vide for her youth, secular, religious, and ChrisApostles." That record we have in the New tian education in a simple, unadulterated form. Testament, which, being used in State schools, It would well become all of mature years to lay without either note or comment, affords a Christian basis to education, free from the peculiar doctrines of all denominations.

Again, the Archbishop says:-

"And yet, happily, it is understood that the wel fare of society and the State must rest ultimately [as now] on a religious basis of some kind."

That is upon "virtue founded upon reverence of God, and expectation of future rewards and punishments;" for such is religion, as defined by Johnson and later lexicographers, and, as we think, properly. Perhaps that is not the kind of religion which the Archbishop refers to :-

"We are still a Christian country, composed. indeed, of many sects in religion, and if you exclude from education the peculiar dort ines of each sect, one after another, you necessarily exclude Christianity itself: for all the Christianity of the land is made up of the several 'Sectarian' doctrines which are severally excluded"

What teaching is this? Christianity, a conglomerate made up of "the peculiar doctrines of each sect, of the several Sectarian doctrines;"

a mixture thus of incompatible dogmas-the meets of rancor and discord? No! it is the fountain-head from which all Christian sects take their departure-toe voice of good-will towards man, proclaimed throughout the land. It is not found in churches alone, neither is it their offspring-all are children of its care. The common error confounding Christianity with Sectarianism once removed from our churches, they would then be viewed properly as schools of theology, adapted to the wants of the people, having a duty to perform in doctrine, correcting one another, and being corrected one by another; the most edifying to adults, the least so to youth, whose earlier lessons must be

down their Sectarian prejudices for a while, and calmly view the wisdom of such a course. It is also but right to ask the parents or guardians of those who may receive their secular lessons from the State, to provide such Sectarian bias, doctrine, or dogmas, as they may think proper to finish the education, or to prepare them for it.

MEMORIAL RELATING TO FOREIGN PAUPERS AND CRIMINALS.-The following memorial is now circulating for signatures. Blanks may be obtained at this office. All persons having lists of signatures to this memorial will please hand them in to the office of the Republic, 100 Nassau street, by the 20th of February next, to be transmitted to Congress.

"To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled:

"The undersigned, citizens of the State of NewYork, petition Congress to pass a law to prohibit, absolutely, the deportation, banishment, or emiof any and all convicts, felons, and paupers, pubgration from foreign countries to the United States, licly recognized as such at home in their own countries; and your petitioners will ever pray. "New-York, Jan., 1852."

NAVAL STRENGTH OF THE GREAT MARITIME POWERS.-The United States Navy, at the commencement of last year, consisted of 11 ships of the line, one of 120 guns, the remainder of 80 to 90 guns; 14 frigates, of from 50 to 60 guns; 21 sloops of war, from 16 to 20 guns; 7 brigs and schooners; 5 large

steamers; 3 second-class steamers; 7 small steamers or tenders; and 5 store-vessels: a grand total of 75 vessels of all descriptions.

Russia's naval force is estimated as follows: 4 ships of the line, of 120 guns each; 6 ships of the line, of 80 to 90 guns each; 18 ships of. the line, of 70 to 80 guns each; 4 frigates, of 60 guns each; 24 frigates, of 40 to 50 guns each; 34 war steamers; and 40 corvettes, schooners, &c.: about 120 vessels of all descriptions.

and destroy perhaps for ever the cement which binds the Union." GEORGE WASHINGTON, 1795.

AN AMERICAN CONVENTION.-Some time ago, we threw out the idea of a Convention composed of delegates from the several American Orders throughout the country, for the purpose of forming a system of cooperative action, if not a union of the different organizations under one head. Our suggestion was

The British naval force consists of upwards responded to by the various American publi

of 600 vessels of all classes and sizes. That of France is next to the British, being something less than the half, but we do not recollect the precise number.-Democrat.

that

"WASHINGTON'S BIRTH-DAY.-We are glad to see, by an announcement in the Washington papers, 1 there is to be a celebration in that city of Washington's birth-day, by those favorable to the principles of his Farewell Address. A meeting of members of Congress is to be held on Wednesday evening in the Hall of the House of Representatives, at seven o'clock, to take the preliminary steps

therefor."-Baltimore Patriot.

So, it is only those who are "favorable to the principles of his Farewell Address" that are to celebrate the birth-day of Washington. Never, until foreign influence became rampant in America, did we hear that there were any Americans not favorable to those principles. Verily it is a dangerous hour when our countrymen begin to weigh and doubt the precepts of Washington.

The following words from that great benefactor of the human race, the "Father of our country," as we were wont to call him, apply with peculiar appropriateness and emphasis at the present time:—

"A crisis is approaching that must, if it cannot be arrested, soon decide whether order and good government shall be preserved, or anarchy and confusion ensue. I can most religiously aver I have no wish that is incompatible with the dignity, happiness, and true interest of the people of this country. My ardent desire is, and my aim has been, so far as depended upon the Executive Department, to comply strictly with all our engagements, foreign and domestic, but to keep the United States free from political connections with every other country, to see them independent of all, and under the influence of none. In a word, I want an American character, that the powers of Europe may be convinced we act for ourselves, and not for others. This, in my judgment, is the only way to be respected abroad and happy at home; and not, by becoming the partisans of Great Britain or France, create dissensions, disturb the public tranquillity,

cations in different parts of the country; and the Harrisburg Standard proposes that the Convention shall be holden on the fourth of July, 1852, at Harrisburg, Pa. The place of holding the Convention is perhaps a matter of little moment, but it should be as nearly central as possible; and perhaps Philadelphia would be better than Harrisburg on that account, as well as many others.

The Standard, however, goes farther in its recommendations than we are at present prepared to go. We quote a paragraph :—

"Let such a Convention be held, and let a Platform of Principles be constructed from the united harmony, prudence, patriotism, and wisdom of the Convention, broad enough for the mechanical, working, and agricultural classes to stand upon, with all those who prefer American interests to foreign interests, and let the work be cemented by placing in nomination, for the support of all American citizens who prefer the happiness and prosperity of their own and their adopted country, and the sta bility of republican institutions to all other considerations, candidates for President and VicePresident, who, from their characters, abilities, and pursuits, shall well and faithfully represent those principles."

Much as we should like to see the American people united as a party of the Union against the deadly foreign influences now growing up, we cannot lose sight of the fact that they are not so united at present, and we are quite sure that the nomination of a presidential candidate would not make them so; and as we have no ammunition to waste in random shots, we much prefer to use what we have in another way-a way that will be sure to bring down the game. The American people are too much wedded to party to unite on a national platform at this time, and they will continue so until the political wire-pullers are sure that the balance of power has changed hands. A few more lessons like those given in this State and Pennsylvania at the last elections will suffice, and then it will be all in good time to talk about an American Na

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