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meaning, by this soft phrase, a negro who has been kidnapped, or caught in a snare, or seized in å plundering expedition, or wounded, and so taken-carried from his family-hurried aboard a vessel loaded with his fellow-sufferers--and carried in irons over to the dominion of the cartwhip, in the hands of such as Mr Huggins and Mr Hodge in the West Indies. Let us, however, listen to the tender strains in which the happiness of this emigrated African’ is celebrated.

• By being transplanted to a new soil and a more civilized country, these people become more humanized, more enlightened, and they are enabled to distinguish between the good treatment they received, and the arbitrary and unrelenting mandates of the petty kings and princes in their own country. Better, sure, are the Africans under the West India planters, protected as they are by the Colonial laws, transplanted into a new settlement, where their industry and talents-will make them useful members of society, than abandoned to the cruel and rude týranny of an uncivilized master in their own country, where they were accustomed to harder toil and less regular meals, and where they are subject to be butchered like a parcel of swine. It was formerly thought necessary for the preservation of good discipline on estates, to correct negroes for every fault which was committed ; different measures have since been adopted, of which experience fully authorises a continuance, both from the salutary effects they have had upon the negroes, and from their being more congenial to the feelings of British subjects who, though they have been stigmatized with the appellation of men dealers, have yet retained those innate principles of humanity and virtue, which induce them to seek every opportunity and occasion to ameliorate the situation of their dependants. Faults are now corrected and punishments inflicted by personal deprivations, according to the extent of the misdemeanour; instead of being flogged, they are debarred their daily. portion of rum, or their weekly allowance of tobacco; and in case of the crime being of such importance as to require a severer punishment, they are confined on Sunday in the stocks, and prevented enjoying the comfort of their friends, or forbid from joining in the merry dance which takes place every Saturday night on the estates. Though most of the negroes are enabled to purchase their freedom by making articles for several trades, and in keeping poultry, fowls, pigs, goats, and growing garden stuff, yet Bolinbroke says, the generality of them prefer decorating their persons to doing so. The proprietor lodges, feeds, clothes, supplies rum and tobacco, and takes the produce of nine or ten hours labour a day. For what British labourer pays for his labour, his food, his raiment, and his 'alehouse bill, with the sacrifice of a smaller portion of his time? I shall close my transcription from Air Bolinbroke's account of the treatment of the negroes, with


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stating, that the English planters were frequently told, that by fol. lowing up their mild measures, and discountenancing all severity towards the labourers, they would in a short time bring the colonies into a state of insurrection. Sir William Young says, negroes seem under a most mild discipline, " and in Tobago,” he says, " they are treated as favourite children.”

p. 16-18. We question if the history of human controversy can produce any thing to match this. During the whole discussion of the abolition question, no such assertion was ever made-no one ever ventured to deny that the negroes were flogged. It was reserved for the present day, for the age of Mr Huggins, whose negroes were torn in pieces under the nose of the magistracy, at noon-day, in a market town, and within sight of the market place, without any one caring, or daring to interfere. It was reserved for the age of Mr Hodge, who murdered above a hundred of his wretched slaves by the lash, before any one thought of calling him to account—for such times was it reserved, to produce a broad denial of the use of flogging, and a picture of the condition of the negroes, more resembling that of creatures in some fairy island, than even the happiest of free human beings. " Hitherto' (proceeds our author and the assertion is as correct as what we have been reading), hitherto I have studious• ly avoided touching on the subject of the slave trade; but if I have been successful in showing the state of the Africans to • be far better in the West Indies than in their own country, a

conclusion of such importance must necessarily follow, that, although my end is accomplished without it, I should hardly • be justified in omitting the mention of it altogether. It is, • that the slave trade, being the means of rescuing a large por* tion of our fellow-creatures from a most miserable and abject

state, and placing them in an infinitely better one, should be applauded and encouraged, instead of being stigmatized in • the manner it is. Nor do I see that the merits of the case are • in anywise altered, because pecuniary advantages accrue to

the performers while they are thus benefiting their fellow• creatures. For few, if any of our actions, will bear the test

of perfect disinterestedness. Some of us are urged to the per' formance of good deeds in the hope of present, others in expectation of future reward.' Then follow a number of the hackneyed arguments, which we really had thought were now forgotten, in favour of the slave trade. We certainly shall not stop to expose these ; but content ourselves with observing, that as there is a more than common effrontery in advancing such topics at this day, so, the author uses them in an unusually

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feeble and inconsistent manner, of which it may be a sufficient specimen if we state, that, within the compass of two pages, he ascribes to the Africans such a bloodthirstiness, as induces them to murder their prisoners, rather than sell them at a great price to slave vessels lying in the road ;' and attributes to the slave trade the saving of thousands and thousands of lives,' by preventing the prisoners taken in war from being put to death.'

The · Gentleman's' tract proceeds directly to defend the West Indians from the charge of cruel treatment ;--and this, which should, properly speaking, have been the main object of the work, is singularly enough condensed into about a


and a half-of which a considerable portion is filled with a defence against two charges, certainly not very much dwelt upon by their opponents, that they brand the negroes with hot irons, and give them very abusive epithets. The former accusation he disproves by the evidence of persons who have resided many years in the West Indies.' The latter, he judiciously observes, is of no great moment; and, in this, we fancy few will differ with him. The

charge of using the whip, however, is not so easily got over. Recourse must therefore be had to a little assertion; and accordingly, we are told, that the laws of the colonies restrict the Humber of lashes to forty. Now, in the first place, this is not true. The laws of some of the işlands do indeed contain such a restriction, but it is not general. And, in the second place, Nevis is one of those islands; and yet the butcheries of Mr Huggins were all performed in open day, in a public street of the capital of Nevis, in the presence of the magistrates and clergy of the island. As facts are the fashion upon this question, we are willing to give a fact on our part, from time to time, and we leave this fact to the reader.

The Gentleman' then has recourse to the hackneyed topic of the flogging in our army and navy, a topic on which we shall presently say a few words. He closes his piece with a defence of the legality of slavery. Now, no one denies its le gality. Unfortunately it has been recognized by the laws and the practice of all nations in some shape or other by every country in the world at one time; and, in its West Indian acceptation, (which we must always recollect is a thing altogether different from slavery in the European, or even Asiatic sense of the word), by every nation having dominions in America. This may suffice for the legality of the practice; and no man is inbane enough, in these times, to speak of emancipating the slaves, Nevertheless, Mr White must needs go a little further, and


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vindicate slavery out of the Holy Scriptures. This has been often attempted before, perhaps with success; but our author is not satisfied with showing that it is permitted,-- he must prove it to be positively enjoined by Scripture. His proofs are such passages as these. • Thy bondsmen and thy bondsmaids which

thou shalt have,' &c. · Of the children of the stranger that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their « families that are with you, which they beget in your land, and they shall be in your possession. And elsewhere, · Ye shall • take them as an inheritance for your chiluren after you, to • inherit them for a possession ; they shall be your bondsten

for ever :' So that the slave traffic is enjoined by the Bible, and we are commanded to go to Africa, and seize and carry over negroes !-But, as to the treatment of them in the plantations, another text is requisite--and therefore we have the 21st chapter of Exodus . speaking of the treatment a slave may receive tiom • his master ; --it says, in so many words, he is his money. * Thus' (adds our author)' stood the old law, which, our Sa

viour tells us, he came, not to destroy, but to fulfil.' We really hope there is no intention of raising a religious cry, and making the church in danger' from the abolition. That great measure has indeed been chiefly carried through by Dissenters : like the new system for educating the poorlike the admirable institution for distributing the Scriptures among the ignorant of this and other countries. The Abolition Societies have wisely disclaimed all tests, and opened their doors to men of all persuasions. They have succeeded ;--as the friends of education and religious instruction, are at this moment successfully going on in their virtuous and enlightened labours. But, after what we have recently witnessed after the attempts so unremittingly made by the friends of ignorance, and the jealous enemies of liberty of conscience-- who shall venture to assure us that the

pretended champions of the Establishment may not step forth, and, if they dare not openly counteract the abolitionists--if they fear the just vengeance of all niankind, should they venture to restore the slave traffic-r-who shall with any certainty afiirm, that those ecclesiastical intriguers may not endeavour to get the management of the cause into their own hands, and to scare weak men from associating in the support of it, with such as differ in their religious professions ?

We now come to the Gentleman's' coazljutor, the Native of Jamaica,' if indeed he be not the Gentleman himself in disguise, as the striking coincidence of their arguments inclines us to suspect. The professed object of his pan phlet is to deI 4


srcibe the distresses of the West Indians, and the grievances under which they labour. This is indeed a pretty fruitful field, if we enter it honestly with our eyes open. But, instead of looking fairly at the subject, or even of pointing out those circumstances to which the West Indian body in general have (we think quite erroneously) imputed their misfortunes, the writer, after a few general remarks, and some invectives against the people of this country for not drinking more coffee, and against the Legislature for not offering rewards to such as should discover new methods of increasing the consumption of it, he comes to the chief object of his pamphlet, the abolition of the slave-trade; from which he apprehends the ruin of the West India islands to be inevitable. This leads to a discussion of the slave-trade, exactly on the same grounds with the writer of the last-mentioned tract ;-only, that he mixes his matter up with a more liberal abuse of Mr Wilberforce and the other visionaries who have to answer for the ruin of the colonies. One charge against them is, the regular and established one of being theorists. In this capacity they do not, it seems, speak in Parliament;-they chutter; and accordingly, they are afterwards termed Parliamentary magpies. Again-they do not go abroad, and witness the abuses they describe, but “keep snugly at home.Then, it seems, Mr Wilberforce, if he wished to be the great patriļ arch of the rights of mankind, should have turned his eyes upon

the Eastern World, where he would behold organized « injustice, trampling on the territories of innocent men, and $ depriving them of their possessions to enrich the plunderers

who come among them as friends.' So that Mr Wilberforce may not feel for the oppressed in the West, because there are oppressions in the East also. This we take to be the amount of the sneer ;-argument we cannot call it : For had he applied himself to the East Indian abuses, their authors would have said, why don't you abolish the slave-trade ?--and it would be rather too mueh to ask of one man, that he should reform both $ The East and Western Ind’ at once. If, indeed, this distinguished person had ever shown himself slow to examine other abuses; -if he had seemed so much absorbed in his grand work, as to have no feelings for any other than West Indian misery ;--if, while occupied himself in bringing the first of all our national enormities to light, he had either thwarted, or withheld his countenance from those who were engaged in the discovery and redress of other evils ; there might have been some ground for this often repcated attack. But this is altogether the reverse of the truth. No man has shown himself more ready, or more


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