You find not the very words, indeed, in the several addresses and speeches of the ministerial candidates, and in the several addresses of corporations and counties, and of the clergy; but, do you not find, in all of them, without one exception, words which convey the same meaning? Do you not find them all contain either expressions of attachment to the protestant church, or of gratitude to the king for his firmness in preventing that church from being overthrown? Nay, do you not find the same sentiments clearly conveyed in the Speech of the Lords Commissioners, stating the grounds upon which the parliament was dissolved? Let it not be said, then, that the cry has not been set up; and, if it has not become prevalent, if it has failed of success, if it has, to use the words of Mr. Fawkes, been

drowned in the cry of no peculation," let the good sense of the people, and not the good intentions of the out-cryers, be thanked for it. My correspondent, however, scruples not to justify the out-cry, however false, if used by the ministry for the purpose of influencing elections and securing a majority in parliament, and, of course, their continuance in office." The nature of "things," he says, "requires this; they

MUST succeed in procuring a majority in "parliament." This is plain speaking; but, if this be the case, what is become of that constitution, of which we have boasted so much, and which we are called upon to shed our blood to preserve 2 1 this be the case, the House of Commons is not the people's, but the ministry's. There remains but one thing wanting, and that is, the open avowal of this doctrine in the House itself.

The

THE WRANGLING FACTIONS.Morning Chronicle, which is really fast becoming a jacobinical and levelling" journal, has exposed another pretty decent transaction, which it entitles MR. CANNING'S "JOB."-I insert it just as I find it, with this one, previous observation, that no attempt to contradict it has, as far as I have observed, been made in any of the prints of the opposite faction. "The Foreign Office seems, under the present ministers, to be the chosen place for jobs. We have formerly pointed out the conduct of Lord Mulgrave towards his brother-in-law, Mr. Robert Ward, for " whom he provided, by giving him a large, "pension out of a fund never before appro

priated to such purposes-a compensation "for less than a year's service in an office "which brought him two thousand per an

num. No answer whatever has been made to this statement; no apology even

66

"has been offered for Lord Mulgrave's con-. "duct. The new men, his colleagues, are, glad to let the subject alone, in hopes of seeing it dropped; and the gainer by the job, Mr. Robert Ward himself, has not a word to say. The truth of our assertion "is admitted; and Mr. Ward, or rather his "wife, holds the pension. This, indeed, "is one of the peculiar features of the case. "When a diplomatic man, who had long "served the country, had grown grey in the "service, was obliged to retire, the practice

was, to grant him a pension for his life; "this annuity to cease when he should again "be employed. For the first time, Lord "Mulgrave broke through this rule, and, granted the pension to Mr. Ward's WIFE, Lady Mulgrave's sister; to cease, we presume, as soon as her husband "should be again employed; but not to "terminate with his lite, or to be affected "by his creditors; and this pension Lord

Mulgrave granted, because Mr. Ward. "had been Under Secretary for less than a year, and received about £2000 for this "service! We cannot imagine any thing

worse than this. It has only one merit— "it is an open, downright, plain job. It "does not deceive the public for a moment. "It cannot escape observation, like Sir

Henry Mildmay's, nor is it susceptible of palliation, when discovered. According ly no attempt is made to vindicate it; "and the only hopes of the accused parties seem to consist in the possibility of escaping noise and public shame. by allowing judgment to go by default.The job to "which we shall now direct the attention "of the public, is also in the Foreign Office, though we admit, that it is not so "bad a one as the former. We sincerely, "lament the degradation to which Mr. Can"ning has submitted, by joining such col"leagues as Lord Mulgrave. We are sorry to see him, in some degree, following their footsteps, and providing for his friends, or the friends of his party, unfairly, when no legitimate channel of prefer ment happens to be open. We particularly allude to the following circumstance. 66 Sir Arthur Paget has been sent to the Porte as Envoy Extraordinary and Minis

Canning may have encouraged, instead of checking population, seeing that a whole fry of place and pension hunters may spring from this very grant.- -Mr. Robert Ward's pension is, to be sure, as undisguised, as free from all sorts of covering as any thing of the kind can well be. He was under secretary of state for one year, he received two thousand pounds for that, and he gets a pension of six hundred pounds (I believe it is) a year for his whole life afterwards, and for the life of his wife too; but, then, observe, that wife is the sister of Lady Mulgrave, and it is Lord Mulgrave who advises the king to grant the pension! What could be more amiable? What a more convincing proof of fraternal and conjugal affection? And yet, I'll warrant you, now, that the "Jacobins and Levellers" would, in defiance of the anathemas of John Bowles, exclaim against this kind transaction! Ah! the vile miscreants! they would, as John and his fellowlabourer Redhead say, destroy all social "order, regular government, and our holy "religion" or, in other words, they would put an end to sinecure places and pensions like that of Mr. Robert Ward, and would thereby reduce numerous genteel families to the utmost distress, even to share in those -labours of the people, by which labours they are now supported! Robert Ward is a youngish man; and, it is within the compass of hope, that he and I may live to see times widely different from the present, when which time comes, it will be curious enough to reckon how much I have paid, and how much he has received.

SIR HENRY MILDMAY.I have now -read that part of the FOURTH REPORT, - which relates to the transaction respecting the post at MoULSHAM, and I am sorry to find, that the statement from the Morning • Chronicle, which I inserted last week (at p. : 1027) is correct. I said then, that nothing but a flat contradiction, as to fact, would, or could remove the impression, which that statement was calculated to excite, and which, as far as I can learn, it has excited amongst people in general, of all descriptions; and, many days have now passed without the appearance of any attempt to controvert either the facts or the conclusions.

from the Report, and, indeed, from his own letter, as a Secretary of the Treasury, authorised 643 pounds to be laid out upon his friends' premises, when only 250 pounds were, by the estimate, required to be laid out for that purpose! And yet, John Bowles and his crew slacken not their cry. Yet, they represent all those who insist, that there is a wasteful expenditure of the public money, as Jacobins and Levellers, as "enemies to

regular government, social order, and our "holy religion;" though neither John nor any of his crew will condescend to tell us how our holy religion is to be supported by transactions such as that, of which we are speaking.- -The Morning Chronicle has made bold strides in retracing its late venal steps; but, there is one point which it still appears to shun with great care, namely, the part which Pitt bore in this and similar transactions. It talks very well of the pension to Robert Ward, and of the conduct of Lord Mulgrave; but, it seems to forget, that this pension could not have been granted without the consent of Pitt. So, in the case before us, it talks of "the Longs and the

Sturges Bournes," but says not a word about Pitt, who was the man that ordered Mr. Sturges to authorise the expending of the 643 pounds upon Sir Henry Mildmay's House.Oh, what a mill-stone are the Grenvilles about the neck of their associates! To keep well with the Grenvilles, 'silence must be observed with regard to the misdeeds of Pitt. Nay, it must go further. Pitt must be occasionally praised; and it is impossible for the people to regard those men as sincere, who praise Pitt, at the same time that they cry out against the jobs, which took place under his power, and in virtue of his orders. This praising of Pitt it was that served, with the public, as a criterion whereby to judge of the principles and views of the late ministry; it was that which lost them the good opinion of the nation; and, having lost that, their opponents saw in them merely things to be trodden down. Down they are, in public opinion, never to rise again, at least in a body. Under this head of the wrangling factions," I shall continue to insert the accusations which they prefer against each other; because, unless those accusations are thus preserved, they will be, in a little time, lost past all recovery, and I have a strong foreboding, that there is a day at hand, when they may be very useful. The factions themselves are hastening that day with great diligence and zeal. They are doing the work themselves. They are assaulting each other with delightful fury, all the merit I claim -being

ALEPE

merely that of bottle-holder, in which capacity I endeavour to see fair play. My rather favourite champion, the Courier, kept his antagonist under for a long while; but, the Moulsham contract, a hit which the Chronicle seems to have reserved for a hard pinch, has so staggered my no-popery hero, that I begin to suspect that he will finally be compelled to give in, especially as his opponent is coming on with new hits at every round, while his, poor fellow! seem to have been all tried over and over again. The public appear to derive great entertainment from this combat, which has the peculiar advantage of exciting no anxiety as to which party falls first, the general and only wish being, that, in the end, both may be destroyed.

LORD MILTON'S DINNER must be postponed till my next.- The new parliament opens on Monday. We shall now see the no-popery" ministry put to the test by the no-peculation" party, who will, doubtless, move for a revival of the Finance Committee. I beg my readers to be upon the watch as to this point in particular; for, if that committee be not composed exactly as it was before, as far as that is possible, the main principle of no-popery will need no explanation.

CATHOLIC CLAIMS.

SIR,I perceive in page 1009 of your Register, the answer of your correspondent A. B. to my letter contained in the preceding number, and I confess, I feel happy in observing, that this gentleman is so far improved, that he assumes at least the garb of moderation. There has been a period in which A. B. has not been unjustly complained of for his petulance and incivility, but as he has taken upon himself to assert the improved philosophy of the age, he has not unwisely considered, that anger and moroseness are qualities not peculiarly adapted to a professor of philosophy, however they might have been consistent with a Romish priest in the act of begging a boon, or attempting to convert sturdy sinners like the Protestants, to the true Catholic faith; and he has, therefore, in his last letter assumed a more gentle and tranquil appearance: and, surely, nothing can be more farcical and ridiculous, than for the zealous advocate of so mild a religion as the Christian, to fret, and fume, and storm, because he happens to meet with a man who does not exactly coincide with him in his mode of thinking. But ridiculous as that may be, it cannot produce more astonishment and disgust, than the conduct of the Whigs, who having founded what little fame they retain, upon the exertions

they evinced in effectuating the revolution in 1688, set about destroying the very foundation upon which their almost extinguished reputation has been built; and are the fores most, if not the only men, who strenuously support the Catholics in their claim for power; or, rather, the attempt of one or two Catholics to become subaltern officers in the regiment. It is said that the whole body of Catholics are discontented: but, because two or three of their leaders, of an extraor. dinary patriotic turn of mind, are prevented from receiving a pension from a country se profusely rich as ours, for services probably they might not really perform, but which they may say would have been performed, if, like Mr. R. Ward, they had not prematurely been dismissed from office; how likely, how plausible I say it is, that the whole body of Catholics should instantaneously become indignant, and denounce vengeance against a country, which affords then every other indulgence, except the liberty of their leaders becoming peculators. If the Scotch Presbytery had fortunately been deprived of the same privilege, their characters would in all probability not now have been stigmatised, by recording on the Journals of Parliament, the delinquency of a Scotch nobleman. Sir, I know that this is not the first time the Whigs have been inconsistent; they have long since enjoyed that quality in an eminent degree; at no later a period after the revolution than the reign of Queen Anne, did these flaming patriots raise a ferment for the purpose of introducing Catholic power; not 20 years had elapsed after they had hazarded their lives in the extirpation of Catholic power, when they appeared equally zealous to raise it up again. If this fact be doubted, a perusal of Swift's Memoirs of the 4 last years of the reign of Queen Anne will sufficiently confirm it. Considering that the principles of our constitution as established at the revolution, which have been the admiration not of Britons alone, but of every nation in Europe, were founded on the extinction of Catholic influence, it must be matter of surprize, that any Protestants, still more that Whigs, should be so forward in advocating the Catholic cause; but in answer to this strange inconsistency, it is said, the times are different; that this is a peculiarly enlightened, and philosophic age; and that however we might have had cause for being jealous of the Catholics in the reign of James the 2d, that jealousy must now cease, as the Catholics continue no longer formidable. As to the philosophy and wisdom of the present, age, I shall comment upon that hereafter; but as