authorizing reprisals, and the use of the naval force of the United States, by the executive against Mexico, to enforce them, in the event of a refusal by the Mexican government to come to an amicable adjustment of the matter in controversy."

The message was referred to the committee on foreign relations, which not long afterwards made its report. After stating, among other grievan ces, that the merchant ships of the United States had been fired into, her citizens attacked and even put to death, and her ships of war treated with disrespect, even when paying a friendly visit to a port, where they had a right to expect hospitality, the committee submitted to the House of Representatives two resolutions, viz.

1. That the indignities offered to the American flag, and injuries com mitted upon the persons and property of American citizens, by officers of the Mexican government, and the refusal, or the neglect of that government, to make suitable atonement, would justify the Congress of the United States in taking measures to obtain immediate redress, by the exercise of its own power."

2. "That, as evidence of a desire on the part of the American govern. ment to preserve peaceful relations with the government of Mexico, as long as is compatible with that dignity, which it is due to the people of the United States to preserve unimpaired, the president be, and is hereby respectfully requested, to make another solenin demand, in the most im pressive form, upon the government of Mexico, for the redress of the grievances, which have heretofore been ineffectually presented to its notice."

This report was presented to the House and agreed to, in the month of February. Not long after, a new minister was accredited by Mexico to the United States, and negotiations were renewed. A new cloud, how ever, was rising in the horizon. In July succeeding, Mr. Mason of Virginia, in the House of Representatives from the committee on foreign affairs, to which the subject had been referred, laid before the house the following resolutions, which were agreed to:

1. Resolved, That the independence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by the United States, whenever satisfactory information shall be received that it has in successful operation a civil government capable of perform. ing the duties, and fulfilling the obligations of an independent power.

2. Resolved, That the House of Representatives perceive with satisfac tion that the president of the United States has adopted means to ascer tain the political, military, and civil condition of Texas.

The United States representatives also, following the example of Eng land, directed, "That the committee of ways and means should be instructed to provide, in the bill for the civil and diplomatic expenses of the government, a salary and outfit for such public agent as the president may determine to send to Texas." The Mexican minister of foreign affairs, Don José Ortiz, upon this put forth a spirited protest. He asked of the American government, indignantly, what comparison could be instituted between the people of Mexico and those of Texas? "Is the position of the Texians," he continued, “with regard to Mexico, what that of the Mexicans was with regard to Spain, at the time their independence was recognized by the United States? Is there any similarity between a na tion consisting of six millions of people, who, by their own efforts, after a bloody struggle of eleven years' duration, cast off the yoke of oppression, and repulsed beyond the sea the ruling armies-and some thousands of wandering and houseless persons, without virtue, and without religion, and threatened by a numerous army, marching full of enthusiasm to recov er the the laurels which the caprice of fortune refused them at San Ja cinto?" After this, the Texian agent at Washington was informed off cially, that no negotiation on the subject of the formal recognition of t

mdependence of Texas, could be opened, so long as war continued to prevail between that province and the Mexican republic.

After a lapse of eight years, we find the independence of Texas still unacknowledged by Mexico, although her government has been uninterruptedly in operation and her ministers have been received and recognized at all the principal courts of Europe. Mexico still neglects, or is unable to satisfy claims of the United States, which she admits to be just-although, if rumour, with its thousand tongues, speaks truly, an unusually amicable negotiation is now in progress between the governments, which will ere long place the relation of the two nations in a mutually satisfactory and friendly light.

In the beginning of this year arrived at New-York the Arabian ship Sultanne, being freighted principally with presents from his Sultanic majesty, the Imaum of Muscat, to the president of the United States. It may not be generally known, that a few years previous to this a United States' vessel was accidentally run aground on his coast, in a dangerous position, when he sent assistance by which she was got afloat again without much damage. Upon the arrival of the Sultanne in New-York, a committee of five from each board of the common council was appointed to receive the captain of said ship, Achmet Ben Aman, and extend to him the hospitalities of the city. His vessel was taken into the navy-yard at Brooklyn and overhauled, and put in thorough repair, by order of government. Mr. Van Buren being debarred, constitutionally, from accepting the well-meant offerings of the Imaum, they were sold, and the proceeds placed in the treasury. In return, Congress appropriated the sum of $15,000, to be expended in the purchase of such articles as would probably be most acceptable to the friendly Arabian ruler.

Monsieur Alexandre Vattemare, a philosophic citizen of France, this year laid before the American Congress a memorial, setting forth the advantages to be derived from a favourable consideration of his system of international exchanges. It was proposed to exchange copies of the duplicate works usually to be found in all great national libraries, as well as minerals from the different museums, and rare geological specimens, or other natural curiosities, of whatever description, one nation with another. Congress viewed favourably the project and decreed, 1. That the United States librarian, under the supervision of the committee on the library, be authorized to exchange such duplicates as may be in the library, for other books or works. 2. That he be authorized, in the same way, to exchange documents. 3. That hereafter fifty additional copies of each volume of documents printed by order of either house, be printed and bound, for the purpose of exchange in foreign countries. In accordance with these resolutions, near one thousand volumes were selected and set apart, as suitable for the purposes of exchange with foreign libraries; and M. Vattenare was also furnished with many valuable specimens from the private cabinets of the president and several other public officers at Washington. Different cities presented sets of laws and ordinances, and other works; so that in this, as in other countries, the plan of the philosopher seemed to be favourably regarded.

The president's message at the close of this year was delayed a little, not being delivered before the 24th of December. It proved a very lengthy and elaborate document, much of which was devoted to a review of the American banking system, which it scourged and excoriated most unmercifully. Considering that Mr. Van Buren charged his defeat in the contest for the presidency, which had just been concluded, mainly to the influence of the moneyed institutions of the country, he may be pardoned, in a great measure, for his unsparing severity.

This election for president was the great event of the year. The attention of all parties and all clases appeared to be fully engrossed with the

subject; and the favourers of each side of the question seemed alike confident of their eventual success. General William H. Harrison, of Ohio, was exalted to the presidency over Mr. Van Buren, by the very large and unexpected majority of one hundred and fourteen thousand four hundred and seventy-five votes. General Harrison was a descendant of one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and had himself always sustained a high and unsullied character in every relation of life; he was known to be brave as a soldier and just as a citizen; he was regarded wise as a statesman also; but as he was not generally known as a politician, the extraordinary number of votes polled for him was viewed with surprize.

A single sentence in Mr. Van Buren's farewell message, deserves to be chronicled. He viewed, he said, with peculiar satisfaction the benefits that sprung from the steady devotion of the husbandman to his honourable pursuit. "No means," it was added, “of individual comfort is more certain, and no source of national prosperity is so sure. Nothing can compensate a people for a dependance upon others for the bread they eat; and that cheerful abundance on which the happiness of everyone so much depends is to be looked for nowhere with such sure reliance as in the industry of the agriculturist and the bounties of the earth.”

In glancing at the names of those who have departed, it becomes our painful duty to record another appalling calamity. The steamboat Lexington, plying between New-York and Stonington, was burnt in January, and near two hundred lives lost. The magnitude of this loss was owing. in some degree, to the imprudence of passengers, who attempted leaving the vessel in boats while she was still under way. The fire originated in carelessness, as usual; bales of cotton had been piled close upon the furnaces and around the smoke-pipe of the ill-fated boat. Died, in Washington, Commodore Stevens; also, Col. C. R. Broom, U. S. M. In Baltimore, Hon. W. S. Ramsay, of Pennsylvania. In South Carolina, Governor Noble. In Connecticut, Hon. T. Betts, In Boston, Rev. Dr. Kirkland. At Ballston Spa., Hon, A. Brown. At West Point, Lieutenant Bransford, U. S. A. At Alexandria, D. C., Major S. Cooper. In Lexing ton, Ky., Captain Fowler. In Mississippi, General Hinds, one of the defenders of New-Orleans. In Alabama, Col. Thomas Riddle. In Ten. nessee, Judge Hugh L. White; also, Hon. Felix Grundy. In Virginia, Capt. Wash. Hood, U. S. engineers; also, Judge Parker; also, at Char lottesville, professors Davis and Bonnycastle. In Kentucky, Genera. Adair, who commanded under Jackson at New-Orleans; also, Hon. S. H. Anderson. In New-York, the eccentric Ex-Sheriff Parkins, of London. In Albany, by the fall of a draw-bridge, twenty persons were drowned. On Red River, Timothy Flint, a celebrated writer of the west. In Ar kansas, Colonel Cheatham, an officer under Marion. In New-Jersey, Hon. J. Rutherford, the last of the senators who served under Washington. In Vermont, Ex-governor Chittenden. In Florida, Colonel Green, U. Š. A. In Texas, Colonel Karnes. In France, Captain Thomas Oxford, who was buried, pursuant to will, with an American flag for his winding-sheet. In England, Lord Durham, late governor-general of the Canadas. A Hanover, the celebrated Doctor Graff. In Paris, Doctor Morison, "the hygeist." In London, murdered by his valet, Lord William Russell. In Venice, 80, Count Guiccioli, husband to one of Byron's heroines. Ia Paris, the English admiral Sir Sydney Smith, E 76. In London, Henry Cromwell Field, last descendant of "the Protector." In Paris, Sanson, "the executioner." At Caraccas, J. G. A. Williamson, American charge d'affaires. In Wales, in a mad-house, the celebrated Beau Brummel "companion of George IV." At Nice, Italy, Paganiri, the violinist. lu Rome, Lucien Bonaparte, youngest brother of Napoleon. At St. James' palace, the princess Augusta, E 72. At Berlin, 70, Frederick William 11. of Prussia.

A. D. 1841.-On the 4th of March, William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, Was inaugurated president of the United States-John Tyler, of Virginia, having been elected with him to the vice-presidency. The ceremony was performed in the presence of an immense concourse of citizens, and the address delivered was lengthy and elaborate. The new president pledged himself to carry out, to the letter, the views of the party which had elevated him to the highest dignity in the gift of the nation; which views, he considered, were indispensable to the real well-being of both government and people. The subjoined passage from his inaugural, conveys the tone of the entire address:

"When the Constitution of the United States first came from the hands of the convention which formed it, many of the sternest republicans of the day were alarmed at the extent of the power which had been granted to the federal government, and more particularly of that portion which had been assigned to the executive branch. There were in it features which appeared not to be in harmony with their simple representative democracy or republic. And, knowing the tendency of power to increase itself, particularly when exercised by a single individual, predictions were made, that, at no very remote period, the government would terminate in virtual monarchy. It would not become me to say that the fears of these patriots have been yet realized. But, as I sincerely believe that the tendency of measures, and of men's opinions, for some years past, has been in that direction, it is, I conceive, strictly proper that I should take this occasion to repeat the assurances I have heretofore given of my determi nation to arrest the progress of that tendency, if it really exists, and restore the government to its pristine health and vigour, as far as this can be effected by any legitimate exercise of the power placed in my hands. Of the former, is the eligibility of the same individual to a second term of the presidency. The sagacious mind of Mr. Jefferson early saw and lamented this error, and attempts have been made, hitherto without success, to apply the amendatory power of the states to its correction. As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of every president, and consequently in mine, it would be useless, and perhaps invidious, to enumerate the evils of which, in the opinion of many of our fellow-citizens, this error of the sages who framed the Constitution may have been the source, and the bitter fruits which we are still to gather from it, if it continues to disfigure our system. It may be observed, however, as a general remark, that republicans can commit no greater error than to adopt or continue any feature in their systems of government which may be calculated to create or increase the love of power in the bosoms of those to whom necessity obliges them to commit the management of their affairs. And surely nothing is more likely to produce such a state of mind than the long continuance of an office of high trust. Nothing can be more corrupting, nothing more destructive of all those noble feelings which belong to the character of a devoted republican patriot. When this cor. rupting passion once takes possession of the human mind, like the love of gold, it becomes insatiable. It is the never-dying worm in his bosom, grows with his growth, and strengthens with the declining years of its victim. If this is true, it is the part of wisdom for a republic to limit the service of that officer, at least, to whom she has intrusted the management of her foreign relations, the execution of her laws and the command of her armies and navics, to a period so short as to prevent his forgetting that he is the accountable agent, not the principal-the servant not the master. Until an amendment of the Constitution can be effected, public opinion may secure the desired object. I give my aid to it by renewing the pledge heretofore given, that, under no circumstances, will I conser to serve a second term."

The liberal professions of the president, however, he was destined ver

to carry into execution. His toilsome journey from the west in midwinter, combined with an exchange of quietude for const int bustle, as well as the general excitement of the times, was too much for his failing constitution to endure. Just one month from his assumption of the reins of government, on the 4th of April, General Harrison lay a pallid corpse in the presidential mansion. So perished a liberal minded statesman, and with him the high hopes of a numerous body of citizens. The entire nation was moved with sadness and surprise upon learning the mournful event, and all the people united in doing honour to his memory. The fu neral procession in the city of Washington extended over two miles, and was the longest ever witnessed there. The president died after a brief illness, at the age of 69, and was the first who died in office.

John Tyler, vice-president, by a provision of the Constitution, became president for the unexpired term. He arrived at the seat of government from Virginia, on the day after the president's decease, and was duly sworn into office. He retained the cabinet officers just appointed by General Harrison, who were the following-named: Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, Secretary of State; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury; John Bell, of Tennessee, Secretary of War; George E. Badger of North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy; Francis Granger, of NewYork, Postmaster General; J. J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, Attorney General. Samuel L. Southard, a member from New-Jersey, was elected by the senate to fill the chair just vacated by John Tyler.

On the 31st of May, an extra session of Congress, which had been convoked by General Harrison, assembled and commenced its labours. Much was expected by the people at large from the action of this body; yet nothing of particular importance was realized. One of the earliest measures of the session, was the passage of a general bankrupt law-but this being found to work iniquitously, its privileges being abused, it was subsequently repealed. In the month of July, a bill was introduced for the establishment of a National Bank. This passed the House of Repre sentatives and the Senate, and was sent to the president for his signature; when, to the astonishment of every one, Mr. Tyler returned the bill with a veto message. He set forth his views at length with reference to the measure, but they may be all summed up as follows: That he had always been opposed to such a bank; that this was perfectly well known at the time of his election to the vice-presidency; and that he had since seen no reasons for changing his opinions on the subject. A second bill for a Fis cal bank of the United States was prepared, after consultation of the president with his cabinet, and certain members of the House of Representatives. This also, was vetoed. Mr. Tyler's cabinet thereupon threw up their commissions, with the exception of Mr. Webster, assigning for reason a capriciousness and whimsicality on the part of the president. The non-resignation of Mr. Webster was strongly animadverted upon at the time, but subsequent results fully justified the conduct of that able

statesman.

Mr. Van Buren, upon this action of the president, published a letter in which he highly applauded his conduct. The people, however, considered the frustration by Mr. Tyler of a great measure of the party which elect ed him, a traitorous act, and in several places he was burnt in effigy. The new members of the cabinet, appointed in place of those who had resign ed, were the following: Walter Forward, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury; Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, Secretary of the Navy; Joha C. Spencer, of New-York, Secretary of War; Hugh S. Legare, of South Carolina, Attorney General; Charles C. Wickliffe, of Kentucky, Post master General.

Congress made an appropriation of $25,000 to Mrs. Harrison, for the purpose of reimbursing, in some degree, the losses sustained by the Gen