tracts are then dissolved in the solution of the salts mixed with some powdered pumice stone, and the mixture filtered.

Each teaspoonful will contain approximately I gm. (15 grains) each of chloral hydrate and potassium bromid; 0.008 gm. (1-8 gr.) each of extract of Indian cannabis and extract of hyoscyamus.

The mixture should be used with caution, and it will usually be found advantageous to omit the extract of Indian cannabis.-Jour. A. M. A.

Oliver's Test for Bile Acids in Urin.

Filter the urin till quite clear, acidify it if necessary, and dilute with distilled water till the specific gravity is less than 1008. Place 60 minims of the solution in a test-tube and add to it 20 minims of the urin. If bile acids are present, a decided milkiness appears at once, and is dense in proportion to the amount of acids. It may disappear on agitation, but reappears on addition of more of the solution. The test is extremely delicate, and nothing as yet found in the urin interferes with it.

The test depends upon the power of bile acids to precipitate peptone in acid solution. The solution is prepared as follows:

1⁄2 dram

4 grains

21⁄2 dram

4.

.8 ounces

2. What is an element; and how many are there? Give illustration.

3. What would be antidotes for combined arsenical and strychnin poisoning?

4. Give difference between chronic and acute form of lead-poisoning. What are the sources of each?

5. Give (chemically) steps in manufacture of alcohol.

6. Give chemistry of respiration.

7. What is the chemical composition of milk?

8. Give antidote for phosforus; also treatment for phosforus poisoning.

9. Give properties of hydrogen gas.

10. What are the constituents of urin? Give normal specific gravity.

SURGERY.

1. Define shock and how you would treat it.

2. How would you treat a fracture of the shaft of the femur?

3. How would you treat a Colles' fracture? Describe fracture and treatment fully.

4. Describe an operation for popliteal aneurism.
5. Give symptoms for stone in the bladder of a male.

6. How would you treat hydrocele ?

7. Give methods you would adopt to remove a kidney.

8. Name the luxations of the shoulder joint; symptoms of each and how reduced.

9. Describe erysipelas; (a) simple; (b) phlegmonous, and treat

ment.

10. How would you perform external perineal urethrotomy?

What is the distinction between non-putrefactiv decomposi tion, or decay, and putrefaction?

5. How do diseased germs produce their characteristic effects on the system?

7. Mention the sequels of influenza or grip. Give treatment.

8. Give symptoms and treatment of acute pleurisy.

9. Give treatment of a case of renal colic.

10. Give treatment of a case of acute gout.

OUR MONThly talk.

During more than ten years I have been preaching against the evils of partizanship. When men care more for party and work harder for party than for country, the country is in grave danger. And when men and newspapers become independent enuf to criticize their party, and leave it when convinced that it is wrong, the country is safe. A party is a good thing when it is a means to an end-that end being patriotic service to the best interests of the country-meaning the best interests of the masses of the people. But many partizan voters long ago lost sight of that function of political parties, and have made the success of the party the end, and they have striven valiantly for that unworthy end. Special interests (corporations, capital, manufacturers, etc.) have seen opportunities to exploit this blind partizanship to their selfish ends, and they have not been slow to seize these opportunities. Jay Gould's remark, "I am a republican in republican counties and a democrat in democratic counties" is well remembered. Tammany in New York City is democratic; "in the Gang Philadelphia is republican. If their locations were exchanged, their politics would be reversed. Politicians and grafters everywhere care all for victory and nothing for principle. The republican party was started to serve the cause of liberty; it was soon captured to serve quite a different cause, by and in behalf of capital and the great corporations nationally, and locally in many cities and perhaps some states. But not many years after the civil war, when capital and corporations were "in the saddle," the manipulators thought it well, for absolute safety, to control both machines, and contribute to both campaign funds; and so the people were trained in partizanship, and were unwittingly captivs of both political machines. The third party (populist) movement of the early '90's was a people's movement, and it grew to threatening proportions. The same spirit captured the democratic party machine in 1896 (after a hard fight), and it began to look as tho the popular interests instead of the privileged interests were going to successfully assert themselves. Here was a chance (tho somewhat clouded by the narrow silver issue) for the people to get on their own side. The protected and privileged interests flockt to their side, regardless of previous party affiliations; but the partizan spirit kept many of the voters on the corporation side, and that side was victorious, tho by an amount of corruption that was never dreamed of before.

The people's (populist) movement died out as a political factor, but the leaven has been working in all parties, even in the republican party, until we see cartoons like the one reproduced on the other side of this leaf in a republican paper, and a republican President compel railroad rate regulation, and advocate a progressiv inheritance tax (President Roosevelt's speech in Washington, April 14, 1906), to say nothing of the victories in New York City and Philadelphia by non-partizan movements, and the uncovering of graft in places too numerous to mention, particularly in the strongholds of "honest money' 1896.

" in

So there is much encouragement for the hope that the people will complete the destruction of their partizan chains and vote for their interests regardless of party, just like the corporations have always done. We have many men in office now who were elected by the people regardless of party; Governor Folk, of Missouri, for example. But the people haven't the chance to vote for United States senators, hence there are many men in the Senate for the purpose of serving corporations and privileged interests, and thwarting measures that would serve the interests of the masses of the people. But I am happy to predict that they will not remain there many years. The people are thinking, and doing more than merely to think. These men (like Aldrich, Platt, of New York, Spooner and others) will have to get out, and the people will demand that men like La Follette shall take their place.

and earnestly advocated a National Progressiv Inheritance Tax Law in these "" Talks over ten years ago; and that I commented favorably upon that feature of the Cuban war tax, and that I regretted its appeal along with the rest of the war tax. Not that that tax was sufficient, but it was a start in the right direction. It is now with great pleasure that I note President Roosevelt's advocacy of this and the government control of corporations (see our "Organization and Control of Industrial Corporations," one of Equity Series) in his speech at Washington yesterday (April 14). I here quote what he said on these subjects, italicising the parts to which I wish to call your particular attention:

It is important to this people to grapple with the problems connected with the amassing of enormous fortunes, and the use of those fortunes, both corporate and individual, in business. We should discriminate in the sharpest way between fortunes well-won and fortunes illwon; between those gained as an incident to performing great services to the community as a whole and those gained in evil fashion by keeping just within the limits of mere law-honesty. Of course, no amount of charity in spending such fortunes in any way compensates for misconduct in making them. As a matter of personal con viction, and without pretending to discuss the details or formulate the system, I feel that we shall ultimately have to consider the adoption of some such scheme as that of a progressiv tax on all fortunes, beyond a certain amount, either given in life or devised or bequeathed upon death to any individual-a tax so framed as to put out of the power of the owner of one of these enormous fortunes to hand on more than a certain amount to any one individual; the tax, of course, to be imposed by the National and not the State Government. Such taxation should, of course, be aimed merely at the inheritance or transmission in their entirety of those fortunes swollen beyond all healthy limits.

Again, the National Government must in some form exercise supervision over corporations engaged in interstate business-and all large corporations are engaged in interstate business-whether by license or otherwise -so as to permit us to deal with the far-reaching evils of over-capitalization. This year we are making a beginning in the direction of serious effort to settle some of these economic problems by the railway-rate legislation. Such legislation, if so framed, as I am sure it will be, as to secure definit and tangible results, will amount to something of itself; and it will amount to a great deal more in so far as it is taken as a first step in the direction of a policy of superintendence and control over corporate wealth engaged in interstate commerce, this superintendence and control not to be exercised in a spirit of malevolence toward the men who have created the wealth, but with the firm purpose both to do justice to them and to see that they in their turn do justice to the public at large. This will henceforth be republican doctrin; democrats are already saying that it has long been democratic doctrin; all populists know that these ideas were among what the "respectable mediocrity" used to call the" vagaries of the populists." The Presi dent can find good examples of progressiv taxation of various sorts in "The Story of New Zealand;" and the U. S. Consuls can report to him concerning the progressiv income and inheritance taxes of most of the countries of Europe. Yet many congressmen who were interviewed particularly concerning progressiv inheritance taxation after the President's speech seemed to know but little about it, regarding it as a new question. Shall we get after our members of Congress and educate them? Somebody seems to have been close to" the President, and sown some good seed. Many of our prominent public men are really non-progressiv, and they don't want to be progressiv. Let us prod them up, or put more up-to-date men in their place. If you will get them to read "The Story of New Zealand," that will fix them. Another thing: Make them submit to questioning while "on the stump" for election or re-election, like the people in New Zealand do. Read about it in the New Zealand book, and do the same in your community.

etc. In the U. S. Senate there are both republican and democratic corporation men. They unite there, but their object in belonging to different parties is to keep the people divided at the polls. Now, if the people would unite at the polls, in their own interest, just as the democratic and republican corporation men do after they reach the Senate, the people would speedily come into their own. There is at last an indication of a movement in this direction. The following news appeared in the papers recently:

WASHINGTON, April 10.

A strong appeal to union labor to enter the field of politics and vote as a body, regardless of party, for men to make and administer laws in the interests of the workingman, is made in a circular letter issued today by the American Federation of Labor and signed by Samuel Gompers, president.

The political policy of the American Federation of Labor is set forth as follows:

"The American Federation of Labor most firmly and unequivocally favors the independent use of the ballot by the trade unionists and workingmen, united regardless of party, that we may elect men from our own ranks to make new laws and administer them along the lines laid down in the legislativ demands of the American Federation of Labor, and at the same time secure an impartial judiciary that will not govern us by arbitrary injunction of the courts nor act as the pliant tools of corporate wealth." The letter of President Samuel Gompers concludes as follows:

"Let the inspiring watchword go forth that we will stand by our friends and administer a stinging rebuke to men or parties who are either indifferent, negligent or hostile, and, wherever opportunity affords, will secure the election of intelligent, honest, earnest trade unionists, with clear, unblemished, paid-up union cards in their possession."

If the action last night of the Central Labor Union meets with the approbation of the central bodies thruout the country, there will be establisht in this city a Labor Legislativ committee to look after all matters of legislation in Congress affecting labor one way or another.

The proposed legislativ body will be composed of a representativ from each of the central labor unions in the United States. The central body unanimously passed a resolution instructing the secretary to send an invitation to the various central unions thruout the country to have a representativ on the committee.

This is a hint to the farmers to also drop the old political parties. But if the trade union men and the farmers should do this and put up separate tickets, they would still be divided. They should unite, as the farmers and trade union men of New Zealand did, and then they would be, as they should be, the ruling elements of the nation.

It is hard to determin by the writing whether the name is McAll, McCran, or what; but whatever his name and address, it is certain that he is ignorant and ungentlemanly. That kind like to display themselves, and a sorry display it is. The clipping which he incloses is the following:

NEW ZEALAND WORKERS WANT A
SIX-HOUR DAY.

By Star-Journal Cable Service.

Auckland, N. Z., March 31.-For some time New Zealand workers have uniformly enjoyed an eight-hour day, but now the local Trades and Labor council is agitating for the introduction of a six-hour day. R. F. Vay, who represents the Political Labor league, has declared in favor not only of the six-hour day proposal, but of even further reduction to four hours.

"If a six-hour day is instituted," he said, "it will mean that there will be more employment at regular work in order to produce the same amount as is being produced now. I hold that with industry properly regulated there is no necessity for any one to work more than four hours,

and statistics prove it. If in a reduction from an eight to
a six-hour day the worker's earning power is reduced to
any material extent it will be necessary for the govern-
ment to take over the distribution of the food supplies, and
to safeguard the workers against high rents.'

All readers of "The Story of New Zealand" and of Politics in New Zealand" know that the eight-hour day, which we are still struggling for, has long been an accomplisht fact in New Zealand; and that the sixhour day is now being agitated there. It is well known to all who have studied economics, that since the introduction of machinery, by which in many instances one man can do the work formerly requiring 50 men, something has to be done to give the people employment, so that all may have an opportunity to make a living. Shortening the work day is one of the means of accomplishing of this, and it also to some extent mitigates the burden upon the back of labor, and gives the working man a chance to improve himself, enjoy the society of his family and friends-in short, to be what an American citizen of the 20th century should be. The ignorant and arrogant writer of the above letter from Illinois knows nothing about this, and he seemingly doesn't care. If he should "imegrate" to New Zealand he might learn a few things. Can't his neighbors (if he can be found) do something for him? He would have to begin with the A, B, C of economics.

RECENT BOOKS

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Appendicitis. Its History, Anatomy, Clinical Etiology, Pathology, Symptomatology, Diagnosis, Prognosis, Treatment, Technic of Operation, Complications, and Sequela. By John B. Deaver, M.D., Surgeon-in-chief to the German Hospital, Philadelphia. Third edition, thoroly revised and enlarged. Containing 64 full page plates, 8 of which are colored. Publisht by P. Blakiston's Son & Co., Philadelphia, Pa. Price, $7.

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