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much the better;" roared out a lieutenant in the army, who knew that a peace would deprive him of a commission, "So much the better say I;' what good did he ever do us with his politics? Here's success to the army, and a lucky war!!"Thus speaking, he emptied his mug. "War!!!" reieterated a wooden-legged son of Crispin, who was notorious for his levelling principles, "what bloody-minded rogues you soldiers are! Because you wear a red coat, Mr. Furious, you are to live upon us, forsooth, and take the bread out of our mouths. If Sir Francis goes, good bye to liberty and independence. We may expect to have our throats cut, and our skins taken off our backs, if we haven't no better defence than you."—" Blood and fury," retorted the soldier, in a voice of thunder, "What d'ye mean? I who have had more cannon-balls rattling about my head, than you hailstones; I who have beat the rascally French,-I sit and hear my profession abused."--" Softly;" said a lawyer's clerk, hot from Chancery-Lane, much may be said both for plaintiff and defendant; in my opinion however it would be better either to argue it as a special case, or to submit the point in question, to two or more indifferent arbitrators, competent to give a verdict.-I am afraid we have not sufficient grounds to bring an action for defamation, or a plea of trespass on the case, though there are credible witnesses enough to give evidence.""Gentlemen," added an intelligent glazier, "I propose to adopt the plan to which this gentleman alludes; and if we can compromise the affair in an amicable manner, it will prevent farther altercation."—"Look'e," said the lieutenant to his wooden-legged antagonist, enveloping the poor man, at the same time, in an enormous cloud of tobacco smoke, "you shotten-herring, I know you're at the old story of liberty and equality.-Pray, what good ha' the French got by their liberty? Why, they're worse off than before; and as for your friend Sir Francis, Why, he has given you nothing here, you find, but a mouthful of fine words and an empty belly; and, by the best accounts I have of him, he'll gi' ye nothing else." His adversary was about to commence a most eloquent harangue, when the landlord came into inform us, That not the worthy baronet, but his dog had been bitten! The company dispersed; the military hero called for another pot of beer to drink his majesty's health; and the unfortunate cobler, overwhelmed with confusion, sneaked out of the room.

Wimbledon, 26th Jan. 1807.

QUERIES.

AN OLD SMOKER.

In a conversation which is stated to have taken place in the house of commons, concerning the improper and undue influence exercised by government to procure the return of their friends and favourites at the late general election, lord Howick is represented, in the newspaper reports, to have asserted, that whatever influence had been exerted, he was sure that not a penny of the public money had been used for that purpose. I shall not take upon myself to say, that any public money, bonâ fide, was absolutely and directly given to an elector; but, as it is universally reported, and universally believed, that the honourable rewards and distinctions which the country ought to bestow on enterprize and merit only, have been lavishly bartered to obtain votes for their partisans, even by lord Howick himself, as well as by others, I wish to give them an opportunity of contradicting such reports, if untrue, by requesting they will answer the following Questions:

1st. Is it true, my lord Howick, that, in defiance of the established rules of the navy, which forbid any person from being appointed a purser under two years service, you, as first lord of the admiralty, appointed a man of the name of Paine, purser of a very fine new sloop of war, who had never previously served his king or country one hour, merely because he was a freeman of the borough of Yarmouth, in Norfolk ?

2d. Is it true, that your lordship gave to Mr. Windham a blank commission for a commander in the navy to carry with him, to the aforesaid Yarmouth, to be filled up with the name of Fisher, a very young man, of little experience in the naval service, provided his father would relinquish the party of colonel

The Forrester.

Wodehouse, and espouse that of Mr. Windham; which it is notoriously known

the father did.?

3d. Is it true, Mr. Windham, that you promised a majority to the son of a person of the name of Lacon, on the same terms as above?

4th. Is it true, Mr. T. Grenville, that you, as first lord of the Admiralty, have promoted several infants of the borough of Plymouth, viz. Hammick, Lockyer, &c. to the rank of commanders, although they have been but a very short time in the navy, and that you intend giving them ships, in preference to officers of approved merit and long standing; and that you have made several other promotions, to obtain the vote of their families for the friends of ministry, in their respective places!

Sth, Is it true, my lord Mairs, that you, have appointed the son of a man, of the name of Fenn, to be a clerk in the ordnance office at Yarmouth, Norfolk, at a salary of 70% or 80% per annum, at a time when no additional clerk was wanted there, to obtain the vote and interest of the father for your friends, both in Yarmouth, and for the county of Norfolk ?

+ Nat six years actually at sea !!!

OFFICIAL ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF PULTUSK.

St. Petersburgh, Jan. 7.-" On the 4th and 5th instant, messengers arrived here from the army, bringing the following statements to his imperial majesty, viz. That almost daily skirmishes of the out-posts have taken place since the 23d of December, in which the French were repulsed in every instance. At the moment general baron Benningsen, with the troops under his command, had taken a position near Pultusk, he was attacked by the division of the enemy under general Suchet, which attack lasted three hours, but the enemy were repulsed with considerable loss.

"On the 26th December, the greater part of the fourth division, under prince Gallitzin, had joined general Benningsen. The enemy made an attack at eleven o'clock with a numerous force, under the immediate direction of Buonaparte, led by his field marshals Daveust and Lasnes, and by a detached corps under general Suchet. The battle was most bloody, and continued during the darkness. of the night. At the commencement of it general Davoust, with a corps of 15,000 men, fell upon our left wing, in order to possess himself of Pultusk, in our rear. General Bagganout, who defended this place with 4,000 men, was obliged to give way to the superior force of the enemy; but as soon as this was perceived by general Benningsen, he ordered that this detachment should be reinforced from his right wing, by a force under general count Osterman, which, together, arrested the progress of the enemy.

"The attack upon the right wing was impetuous. Marshal Lanes' large corps of infantry, under the command of Buonaparte in person, moved through the underwood, upon our advanced guard, which had been-posted there to cover our wing, and fell upon it in so desperate a manner, that general Barklay de Tolly, commanding there, found himself unable to do otherwise than fall back, having given an opportunity for a masked battery freely to act. A few grape-shot discharges having laid a considerable number of the enemy on the spot, thus stopped his career. He attempted again to outflank this battery, and obliged general De Tolly to fall back once more. General Benningsen ordered the change of the front to the whole of his right wing; and, for the support of general Barklay de Tolly. sent three battalions at two different times. Having thus stopped the impetuosity of the enemy, and the fire of the artillery and musketry continuing, general Benningsen then determined to attack the enemy himself; for which purpose he ordered general count Osterman to advance with the rest of his infantry towards the right wing, and supported him with a strong train of artillery, and twenty squadrons of cavalry; and, to the rest of the cavalry, he gave orders to form their front in his centre, in order to keep that of the enemy in its position. The French defended themselves with desperation, but were obliged to yield to the valour of his imperial majesty's troops, and entirely defeated and beaten off from the scene of (To be continued.)

action.

LONDON: Printed by W. MARCHANT, 3, Greville-Street, Holborn; and published by H. R. YORKE, 412, Strand, opposite the Adelphi

Mr. REDHEAD YORKE's WEEKLY POLITICAL REVIEW.

Vol. II. N°8. Saturday, February 21, 1807.

129

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

Price 10d.

pre

ARMY ESTIMATES. On the 16th of January, a member of the house of commons, Mr. G. Johnstone, moved, that the estimates of the army expenses for the year 1807, should be printed; and he grounded the motion on the duty which every member of parliament owed to his constituents, not to vote away with indifference, and without minute inquiry, such large and extraordinary sums as were required. The present crisis called loudly for practical economy; and, therefore, it ought to be known particularly, in what manner, and for what particular services these sums were to be applied; especially as the grants of money comprized so many extraordinaries, that it would be impossible to judge of their propriety, except by details.-This motion was resisted by the ministerial party, because, the printing of the papers would be productive of trouble, delay, and expense; the abstract of the estimates would suffice for all the purposes of necessary information, and prevent the disclosure of information, which it would be proper to keep from the enemy; besides, that, when the estimates were printed two years ago, new military plans of great importance called for the serious deliberation of the house.-It was alleged, on the other side, that two years ago, the persons who now so strenuously opposed the motion, were remarkably vehement in pressing a similar motion; and, that the estimates had been actually printed, at that period, without any alarming consequences having arisen from the enemy becoming acquainted with them. The precedent had been established by the present ministry while in opposition; and as to the argument relative to the new military plans that were then suggested to the attention of the house, they were of a description far less extensive than those which were adduced by the sent ministers; that the delay which would arise from the printing of the papers, would not extend beyond two days, which could not be put in competition with the importance of the object itself; that by opposing a new motion, which went to enable the house more easily to examine into the public expenditure, a precedent would be formed, which would render it impossible for the members to do their duty to their constituents; the facility which would be afforded to them towards the discharge of that duty, would more than counterbalance any expense that might be incurred by printing the papers, the expense of which might well be saved by economy in many other respects. It was utterly impossible for every member to read the papers on the table of the house by the day whereon their contents were to be discussed; and several members complained that they could not do their duty with satisfaction to themselves, unless the papers were printed, and they could take copies home with them for a more minute inspection. The printing of the ordnance estimates had not been objected to, and it had been advantageous, inasmuch as it had led to an investigation, the result of which, had done great honour to the board of ordnance.— The debate was protracted to a considerable length, in which much extraneous matter was introduced by both sides of the house, each party accusing the other of changing opinions with their change of situations. At length, on the observation of lord Howick, that his lordship would agree to the motion, if its object were to be fully informed whether ministers had acted up to those principles of economy which they had formerly professed; whether they had shewn an inclination to redeem their pledges to the public; and that it should be understood, the discussion of the army estimates should not be delayed, though the papers should not be printed in time, the motion was withdrawn.

The house went into a committee of supply on the army estimates, on the 21st of January, when the secretary at war prefaced the resolutions with observing that, the estimates for the present year, were nearly on the same scale with those which had been voted last year. The battalions of infantry and the cavalry were to continue the same as regulated by the estimates of the last year. The increase of charge for No. 8.

guards, garrisons, and forces in the plantations, amounted to 241,5371. but the causes of this increase were, the expenses of 6 garrison battalions, whose services, though originally designed for home duty, we're now extended to foreign; the expense of another new corps for garrisoning Canada; the creation of an additional cups, by the division of the royal African corps, and the addition of two new companies to that part of it which was serving in the West Indies; and 1 11 companies of Sicinans attached to the British army serving in Sicy. There was also an increase, though not to any considerable extent, in the expenses of the foreign staff and commissariat; and an additional expense of 110,0001. had been occasioned by increased allowances. Thus, the total of increase amounted to 439,7321. Exclusive of these items, there was a considerable increase under the head of "public departments," produced by the difference of pay on the Irish and English establishments, making, together with exchequer fees, a sum of 44,2231. Another increase of 19,3611. was also occasioned by additional pay to commanding officers, quarter-masters general, inspectors general of recruits, and army medical board. The new arrangements had likewise produced an increase relative to the out-pensioners of Kilmainham and Chelsea of 113,1701. Against these increases, the decrease in the expenses of the volunteer establishment was a set off. This decrease would have amounted to 368,000l. but circumstances had rendered it necessary to keep the volunteers of Ireland your months upon permanent duty instead of one, occasioning an increase again of 119,000l. and consequently reducing the decrease in the expense of the volunteer establishment only to 248,5041. There was also a decrease in the expense of the foreign corps to the amount of 153,5381. Towards the "compassionate list," 12,000l. had been set down. The only fund which had been set aside for this list was the presumed profits arising from the saving upon half-pay, which had often proved unproductive, and at no period ever produced one quarter of the sums assignable upon it; and the description of persons who derived advantage from the compassionate list were, in general, widows and orphans, who very rarely received above 201. per ann. from it.

If the additional pay and allowances, in consequence of the arrangements made by the last parliament, were deducted, the estimates would not exceed those of the preceding years. The estimates for the year preceding the accession of the present ministry to office, amounted to 13,986,3311. the estimates for the current year, excluding the additional pay and allowances, amounted to 13,710,921. The additional pay and allowances amounted to about 223,3291. which would bring the expenses of both years nearly to a level. The whole of the additional expense produced by the new arrangement consisted of the following items: 260,000l. increase of pay to regulars; 23,000l. to militia; 160,000l. out-pensioners; 7000l. widow's pensions. The expenses of the establishment of 1806, if arranged upon the same scale as the present estimates, would have amounted to 14,800,000l. The military measures which had been introduced last year, consisted in new arrangements for the regular service, and a very great alteration in the volunteer establishment. All the alarming hints which had been thrown out respecting the dissatisfaction of the volunteers were proved, by experience, to have been wholly unfounded. It was not improbable, that during the agitation of the new military measures, and in consequence of active and intentional misrepresentation, much discontent might have been occasioned; but the effects of these artifices were comparatively trifling. The number of those who withdrew from the volunteer force was inconsiderable, compared with what it was generally supposed to be. Of those who withdrew, there was not one, who would not most readily take up arms again, in case an invasion of the enemy should place the country in danger. The persons who quitted the volunteer corps might be divided into two classes; first, those who belonged to corps that were entirely disbanded; and, secondly, such individuals as withdrew from corps which still xisted. The number of volunteers belonging to disbanded corps amounted only to 11,486. With respect of the new arrangements, much immediate advantage could not be expected to result from their adoption; but they will ultimately produce the most beneficial effects upon the character and composition of the army. Though their effect had not been so rapid as many persons expected, they could not be said to have absolutely failed. If the low bounty had not produced a great number of men, entirely putting an end to that great source of the diminution of

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our military strength, desertion. Since the new measures had been adopted, it was inconceivable how much the number of desertions had been reduced. The plan, if steadily adhered to, would, at no great distance of time, produce all the advantages which were expected from it.

Such was the substance of the case made out on the part of ministers, by the secretary at war; and it is not a little extraordinary, that the arguments upon which it was built, though open to the severest animadversion and comment, extorted no appropriate controversy on the part of the members of opposition; who, instead of exposing its fallaciousness, and of attaching the presumptions founded upon it, contented themselves, chiefly, with a mere de ence of the measures pursued by the late ministry. After the usual stale compliments to the secretary at war, for the fairness, liberality, and candour of his statements-compaments which have become so frequent that they nauseate and disgust the hearer, because, as I shall presently demonstrate, they were not applicable; they turned aside from the main points, and plunged into the labyrinths of antiquated details. The question before them was not a matter of contrast, but of expediency. Allusions made incidentally, might have been adduced without impropriety in the course of the general argument; but surely, during a discussion of such importance as the granting away above tourteen millions of the public money, the question should have turned not on the past, but on the expediency of this immense supply towards the accomplishment of plans either capable of being enforced, or actually realized. I feel additionally strengthened in making this assertion, from the proposition laid down by the secretary at war, both at the opening and close of his speech, wherein he is said to have positively affirmed, "that the number of our effec ive force was increased, and the expenses of the establishment diminished;" while, almost in the same breath, he is reported to have stated, that, "neither, however, were so in a great degree; the number of the army being increased about 5000 men, and the expenses of our military establish❤ ment were reduced by about 90001. less than they were in the last and preceding year."

However, it will be proper, before I enter upon these topics, to detail the substance of the remarks made by the opposition, as many of them were not destitute of force, and carried conviction with them. It was objected, that the effective strength of the military force of the country, was not stated, so as to enable parliament by comparing it with the provision required, to judge whether it were such a force as to consume the supplies that were to be voted. A gross amount had been mentioned, but not as compared with the present establishment. The gross number of our force was stated at 334,180, which, with various necessary deductions, making about one-eighth, amounting to 41,700, left 292,400 men to be voted upon the face of the resolutions. No satisfactory case had been made out for the house to vote the supplies for this deficiency in rank and file. On the 1st of March, 1806, soon after the change of ministry, the amount of our effective force was 249,670, and, on the 1st of January of the prosent year, it was 254,665 men; so that the whole increase which had been made to the regular force amounted to between 4 and 5000 men. By Mr. Pitt's additional defence bill, 5700 men were raised in five months, and 3000 men were raised between the 21st of March and the 21st of June. In March, 1805, an increase of 33,481 men had been made to the publie force during the 20 preceding months, by Mr. Pitt's plans, which had been so much reviled by the present ministry; while, by the new system, from the middle of February, 1806, to January, 1807, a period of eleven months, the whole addition amounted to 4 or 5000 men. Sidmouth raised 40,000 men; Mr. Pitt raised 33,000; and but for Mr. Pitt's bill, the present ministers would not have raised a man. If it were admitted that, by the former system, men were not brought into the line by direct means, but through tedious and circuitous routes, what had the present system performed when relieved from these incumbrances? In the first six months of last year, 6 or 7000 men had been raised; and during the last six months, not 6000 men were enlisted. Thus not one man had actually come in under the new impression of the new bill; but such as had come, had inlisted in the old way. The ordinary recruiting of 1805 was 11,779, and Mr. Pitt's bill produced 8,588. For the line there were produced *No doubt; desertions must necessarily be expected to take place much less in a body of 5000, than in a body of $3,000 men.

Lord

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