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I might go on indefinitely, but enough has already been said to give some idea of the extent of the field and of the agencies that we are employing, and some idea also of the reasons for our hope and belief that the work we are doing is worth while.

I just spoke incidentally of our system of municipal accounting. It was gratifying to us to see in the first report of the recently established Massachusetts Bureau of Municipal Statistics a recognition of the leadership of the League in that important matter. We expected to publish this year a volume which would embody the fundamental principles of the system of municipal accounting the National Municipal League has been advocating for so many years. It was intended that the book should set forth in simple and readable form the reasons for and the advantages of such a system. When the able and brilliant editor whom we had secured had the book about half done he was stricken with typhoid fever. In the death of Philip Loring Allen, the author of that stimulating book, America's Awakening, the country has suffered a great loss. The publication of the League's volume upon municipal accounting has been postponed until another year.

The volume containing the League's "Municipal Program" has been out of print for some time. You may remember that at our last annual meeting we announced that a new book was in preparation to take its place. This book is finished and about to go to press.

We keep a card catalogue at the central office of all the various subassociations, etc., in the country that are engaged in civic work, and in June we found there were approximately eleven hundred such, a growth of 100 per cent in ten years of associations that we could find some track of that were actively at work to improve local conditions. Is not that encouraging? To go into further particulars of the work of the League and of our executive committee would occupy too large a portion of the session. It may be well to remind you that the executive committee does most of its work through sub-committees. The reputation of the League is dependent upon the effectiveness and thoroughness of the work of the sub-committees appointed by the executive committee. These subcommittees, some of them, will report at this meeting. The executive committee is responsible also for these annual meetings and for the papers presented here. In general the executive committee is in the position of a board of directors. Give your board of directors a a sufficient income to employ a competent and well manned staff, and the work which the executive committee of the National Municipal League would accomplish in the interest of good city government would be increased many, many fold. What we need is more members. The dues of a single member are a very small sum, but each member is a little rivulet and a sufficient number of rivulets will make a considerable stream. We welcome contributions, but we welcome still more the growth in our regular associated membership. We ask each one of you not already a


member to join us, and each of you who is a member to help us by getting a few more members. [Applause.]

THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the report of the executive committee by its chairman. If there is no objection the report will be received and printed in the proceedings of the convention.

We will go on to the discussion of the next paper "Municipal Affairs and the Liquor Problem," and I have great pleasure in introducing Prof. Augustus Raymond Hatton, Western Reserve University of Cleveland, who will present the subject.

Dr. Hatton then read his paper which is printed in full in the Appendix.

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair will call on the four gentlemen next upon the program. Mr. F. S. Spence, of the Toronto Board of Control will open the discussion on this question. [Applause.]

Mr. SPENCE: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: We have listened to an extremely interesting analysis of the liquor problem, and to some very valuable deductions and suggestions concerning the most desirable methods of dealing with that problem. Anything to be added must be mainly along the lines of reporting experience acquired, and results attained in observing the tendencies and working out the principles that have been so clearly stated.

In Canada the liquor problem is not so acute as in the United States. This is partly because of differences in population. The fact that Canada has a population of little more than six million, while that of the United States is about twelve times as great, is sufficient evidence that very much larger additions have been made from the outside in your case than in ours. Only of late years has Canada had a large immigration from Europe. Even this immigration has been partially counterbalanced by native natural increase, and by an influx of Americans. The European element has been largely going on land, to form rural population. Therefore, at any rate in our cities, the Canadian population is perhaps more American than is the case on this side of the dividing line, using the term "American" in a continental sense.

The results of this difference are shown in the statistics which set out the quantities of liquor consumed per capita in the different countries. Canada's annual consumption is about six gallons. In the United States the annual per capita consumption is about twenty gallons, and in Great Britain, about thirty-six gallons. It will thus be seen that Canadians drink on an average only about one-third of the amount drunk in the next soberest country, and only one-sixth of what is drunk in Great Britain. Of recent years there has been some tendency to an increase of drinking in Canada, caused partially by the inrush of European immigration, and partially no doubt by an increase in national prosperity.

Differences of

Another fact that makes the liquor question less dominant in Canada is that our newcomers have not as much political power and influence as yours have. We are accustomed to looking upon municipal functions and administration as being business rather than politics. The men and women who are directly taxed for the maintenance of public services are supposed to be best entitled to the selection of the representatives who shall control the expenditures made on those services. Our municipal voters are taxpayers or householders.

Differences in Electorate

Again, our population is smaller than yours. Our largest cities are not as large as yours, and this has an important relation to the question of law enforcement.

In other respects conditions in Canada are very similar to conditions in the United States, and show just the features and variations that the preceding speaker has so fully described.

Each of the ten Canadian provinces has a different law for the regulation of the liquor traffic. All these laws have local features, and all of them are of a restrictive character.

Canada has a national local option law, popularly known as the Scott Act. It was applicable only to counties and cities. Under it there was developed the difficulty already described. Prohibition was forced upon a large town by the vote of the surrounding rural community. This fact made law-enforcing difficult, and contributed to a later rejection of the law in many places. At the present time action for the adoption of local option is taken mainly under provincial laws, under which the local option unit is the smallest territory having local municipal government.

In the Province of Nova Scotia, licenses are issued in only two counties out of nineteen. In New Brunswick licenses are issued in five out of fourteen counties. Prince Edward Island is entirely under a provincial law of prohibition. In Quebec more than one-third of the parishes are without licenses. In Ontario, licenses are issued in more than half of the municipalities. Less than thirty years ago this province had 6185 licenses Now the number is less than 2400. The new western provinces are also making progress in the direction of no-license by local option legislation.

Ontario, the largest Canadian province may be taken as typical of the general character and tendency of liquor legislation. Two classes of retail liquor licenses are issued. (1) Shop licenses, permitting the sale of liquor in quantities to be removed from the premises where it is sold, and consumed elsewhere; (2) tavern licenses, permitting bar-room sale of liquor to be drunk on the premises. Tavern licenses are issued only to places which provide hotel accommodation. The law does not provide for saloons, that is, mere drinking places. A local option ordinance may prohibit shop licenses, or tavern licenses, or both. This gives us three kinds of local option. The form prohibiting all retail selling is the most popular. Three-fifths of the votes cast on the question are necessary to


Local Option

carry a local option ordinance, or to repeal an ordinance adopted by such a vote.

Regulations for the restraint of permitted liquor-selling are stringent. The number of tavern licenses that may be issued in a municipality is limited to three for the first thousand of the population, and to one for each additional six hundred. Municipal councils have little control over liquor selling. They may further limit the number of licenses permitted, or they may increase the hotel accommodation which licensees are required to supply, but they have little else to do with the liquor traffic. The issuing of licenses and the supervision of the traffic in each license district, is under the direction of a board of commissioners and an inspector appointed by the state executive, the province being divided into about one hundred license districts.

The Ontario

The other restrictions in force are similar to those of your states. No liquor may be sold after eleven p.m., nor between seven o'clock on Saturday night and six o'clock on the following Monday morning, nor on any election day, nor to inebriates, nor to Indians, nor to persons under twentyone years of age, nor within three hundred feet of a school or church, nor within three hundred yards of any agricultural or industrial exhibition. There are also in operation the usual statutory provisions concerning civic damages and the like.

Penalties for law violation are severe. The punishment for selling liquor without license is, for a first offense a fine of from $50 to $100 with an alternative of imprisonment, for a second offense imprisonment for four months at hard labor without alternative, and for a third offence imprisonment for six months at hard labor without alternative. A license holder convicted of three offenses within two years, forfeits his license and is disqualified from being again licensed for three years.

The City of Toronto with a population of about three hundred thousand, has exercised its power to limit the number of licenses by city ordinance, and now permits only two hundred licenses, fifty shops and one hundred and fifty taverns. The license fees charged are $1200 for tavern licenses, and $1000 for shop licenses. One-half of the fee goes to the municipality and one-half to the province. The license fee is fairly high, but its amount has no effect upon the number of licenses. The privilege of liquor selling in this case is so valuable that more than $1200 would be paid if neces

The Toronto


The enforcement of law is good. The limited number of licenses makes a license a valuable franchise, and the risk of forfeiture impels licenseholders to strict observance of the law. Its tendency is also towards the eliminating of the worst class of men, and the liquor sellers are a selected set. The law is strictly obeyed.

Another factor that makes for efficient law enforcement in Canada, is the British theory and method of making executive action independent

of local preference or prejudice, The framers of your national and state constitutions, carefully differentiated between legislative, judicial, and executive departments of government, but did not give these departments equally broad bases. Your legislature, representing every section of the state enacts laws supposed to be expressive of general opinion and will. Court interpretation and enforcement of that law, to a great extent depend upon local conditions and ideas. Canadians would look with alarm upon the proposal to elect in any county, a judge, or sheriff, or prosecuting attorney, who, because of his election, would feel specially impelled to respect the opinion of his constituency rather than the general purpose of the law. Our judges are appointed by the national executive. Officials, whose duty it is to put the law into operation are appointed by our provincial or state executive. Even the control of police in large cities is not left in the hands of local municipal councils. Nearly all executive officers hold their positions for life or good conduct.

It is easy to imagine a state law against gambling which would be unpopular in some local city, in which city public opinion might elect officials who would make the law a farce. This could not occur under the Canadian plan, which plan therefore makes the enforcement of liquor laws more effective than would be the case if courts and law-enforcers were locally elected.


What is the outlook? The tendency is towards further restraint. The general opinion is that there will be a continuous progress along lines of restriction, to the ultimate extinction of legalized liquor selling. Licenses will be fewer. Penalties for violation will be severer. Fees will be higher. The traffic will become less respectable and influential. Finally, the embodiment of public opinion either in local option ordinances or in provincial statute will terminate the bar-keeper's occupation.

Allow me to say in conclusion that much of what has The Canadian been found to be useful in our liquor legislation has been Outlook copied from laws passed in the United States. We have learned a good deal from your legislative methods, and we have succeeded in making that legislation effective by the application of English administrative principles. Indeed we are indebted to your example for much of what we have attained on various lines of political progress. To your research and experiment, to your genius for government, to your skill in adapting methods to conditions, we owe a great deal.

It is impossible to over-estimate the benefit that may be derived by your country and ours, from their contiguity and independence. Each has an opportunity to study the methods of the other and the results attained. This may be done by one country before taking up the problems which the other is seeking to solve. We learn from your success and also sometimes from your blunders. In both these ways we may be able to reciprocate. We are better off than if we were politically united, and let

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