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which did not offer "a valid reason for impugning the fealty, denying the honesty, or assailing the patriotism of the other. The pretensions of the Union League Club when sitting in judgment on Mr. Greeley for bailing Jeff. Davis, were not more preposterous than would be the claim of the convention to excommunicate those who have not in all things agreed with the majority of its members".1 Thurlow Weed, now editor of the Commercial Advertiser, placed the responsibility for the unwise course of the Republican Convention on Horace Greeley. In an editorial on September 25th he made a cutting assault on Greeley.

But for the evil it is doing. . . . it would be amusing to see the Tribune preach about party obligations. In its best days it was capricious and unreliable. During the twenty-five years of Whig service, it was always disturbing and distracting the party with its isms. In 1864 it labored to get up a Cleveland Convention to defeat the re-election of President Lincoln. It advocated Secession in 1860. It played the bully and coward throughout the war, closing with an offer of $400,000,000 as a bribe to Slavery for Peace. Only two years ago by its shameful opposition to M. O. Roberts, it secured the election of Mr. Hoffman. . . . And this Tribune, an organ of Secession, that now demands Amnesty for all Traitors and Assassins: that opened the Prison Door for Jefferson Davis: that invites Breckinridge to return: that, after urging the President to appoint General Steedman-Secretary of War, stigmatized him as the most unfit man in the country for that position, arraigns and impugns the Republicanism of men through whose labor and care both the Whig and Republican Parties were . . . preserved in their strength and integrity until the evil day of small things and cheap men. . . .

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The dispute between the rival delegations from New

1 New York Times, Sept. 25, 1867.

New York Commercial Advertiser, Sept. 25, 1867.

York occupied the convention for more than an hour. The leader of the Radicals, Mr. Spencer, read copiously from the article in the Tribune1 describing the antecedents of the "Twenty-third Street delegation". Rufus W. Andrews, the voice of the latter organization, offered to compare his own or the past record of his delegation with that of the Radicals. Mr. Andrews maintained his rights with such earnestness and persuasiveness that he was enabled to have a committee appointed by the convention to hear their claims. In this they "scored" on the Radicals, who, with the State committee, had planned to shut them out without even a committee hearing. Not only did the Twenty-third Street delegation obtain a hearing, but Mr. Gleason, chairman of the committee, frankly admitted in his report that there had been irregularities on both sides. He recommended to the convention that they adopt some action through which the various differences might be harmonized immediately.

This result was all the Conservatives desired. Mr. Andrews had told the convention as much, previously. He made a good-humored address of thanks and the Conservatives retired in a body well pleased. They professed to regard it as a triumph, for it had hardly been a part of their expectation to receive admittance to the convention. The Radicals' chagrin might have been greater, had the attempt made by Senator Madden, just previous to the adjournment of the convention, been successful. He moved for the passing of the special committee's recommendation, which would empower the State central committee to investigate the irregularities of the Radicals in New York City and to settle their differences, if possible. This motion was most

'New York Tribune, Sept. 24, 1867. Five thousand copies of the Tribune were brought to Syracuse for distribution in the convention. New York Times, Sept. 25, 1867.

strenuously opposed by Mr. Spencer and at length laid upon the table. Had it not been for the fact that a majority of the delegates had left the hall, it might have received a different fate.

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Roscoe Conkling, upon taking the chair, delivered an address which was received with great enthusiasm. The speech was a "fervid and eloquent assertion of the principles and purpose of the great dominant party of the country". "It is a party of ideas, not of privileges for a few but of human rights for all." Conkling gave notice of his intention to take "no one's dust". He pointed out that the Republican party had vindicated its claim to the Unionist support by its successful administration and unconditional triumph in the War. This it had done against all the odds of a sneering incredulity in Europe, the treachery of Copperheads and the frequent hesitancy of many friends. When Conkling asserted that the situation in national affairs demanded the use of impeachment for the President— the enthusiasm of the convention knew no bounds. The Herald, editorially, termed the convention speech of Senator Conkling" as pitiful a piece of party fume as ever came to the dignity of print ".

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1 Harper's Weekly, Oct. 10, 1867, p. 642.

'New York Times, Sept. 26, 1867.

Ibid. An excellent example of Conkling's invective follows: "But in free America ... we see bills vetoed and then when they become laws we see them evaded and defied upon pretense that they are wanting in the very things for which the veto was put forth. We see the nation insulted by a message to Congress, intended to stab our financial credit, a message wickedly intimating that by chastising traitors the American people have become liable to pay the debts of the lately rebellious states. In plain perversion of law, if not in open defiance of law, we see the removal of the unflinching Minister of War. . . ." New York Times, Sept. 26, 1867.

'New York Herald, Oct. 5, 1867.

When nominations became the order, Mr. Charles S. Spencer, of New York, proposed the name of General Hudson Lawrence, of New York, for secretary of state; Mr. D. D. T. Marshall placed in nomination General Francis C. Barlow, of New York, and Mr. John C. Green nominated General McKean, of Saratoga. The fight was on. The Radicals from New York, in spite of their loud clamorings for General Lawrence, apparently had little real desire for his candidacy, in face of a more available man. General McKean received 270, General Barlow, 101, and General Lawrence 6 votes. General McKean's nomination was then made unanimous. As in the case of General Barlow, there was, also, a considerable feeling that the dropping of Mr. Hillhouse would weaken the ticket. Those who desired a new slate used the same argument, that to retain one of the old names would be an implied censure of the administration of those who were dismissed. Judge Folger nominated Thomas H. Hillhouse, of Ontario, and Lyman Tremaine did the same for Calvin T. Hulburd, of St. Lawrence, for comptroller. The determination to have a new slate won. Mr. Hulburd received 238 to 136 votes for Hillhouse. The fight over the State treasurership was spirited.

1 New York Times, Sept. 26, 1867.

TICKET. Candidates nominated were: General McKean, of Saratoga, Secretary of State; Calvin T. Hulburd, of St. Lawrence, Comptroller; General T. B. Gates, of Ulster, State Treasurer; Judge Van Cott, of Kings, Attorney General; A. C. Powell, of Onondaga, State Engineer; John M. Hammond, of Allegany, Canal Commissioner; Gilbert De La Matyr, of Wyoming, Inspector of State Prisons; Charles Mason, of Madison, Judge of Court of Appeals.

Radical State Committee-H. Eastman, of Queens; C. W. Godard, of Kings; H. N. Holt, of Kings; J. G. Abbe, of New York; W. H. M. Kenney, of New York; Martin B. Brown, of New York; Waldo Hutchins, of New York; Ira O. Miller, of New York; H. D. Robertson, of Westchester; E. M. Madden, of Orange; J. H. Ketchum, of Dutchess; John Lyon, of Ulster; Hamilton Harris, of Albany; H. J. King, of Rensselaer; Jerome Lapham, of Warren; E. A. Merritt, of

Hon. Frederick Juliand, of Chenango, who was supposed to have the strongest following before the convention met, came in third with 27 votes to 133 for Mr. A. B. Cornell, of Tompkins, and 207 for General Gates. Erastus S. Prosser, of Erie, was a candidate, but before the result was announced he withdrew and threw the support of Erie County to Mr. Cornell. General Howland's name had been previously withdrawn upon receipt of a letter in which he declined to run for renomination.

The Commercial Advertiser condemned the Republican convention for throwing overboard capable and upright State officers.

Mr. Goodsell, the State Engineer, who, as a member of the Contracting Board, steadily and firmly resisted the corrupt awards of his colleagues, is as ignominiously dropped as was Alberger, the unworthy commissioner. Against Messrs. Barlow, Hillhouse, Martindale, and Howland, there was not a whisper of complaint. . . . There was a reason. . . for this injustice. That reason, however, was alien to the interests of the State and the welfare of the People.'

The World claimed to see a dearth of candidates at the Republican convention and heartily endorsed those nominated

St. Lawrence; F. D. Curtiss, of Saratoga; Alvin Sturtevant, of Delaware; E. V. Livingston, of Lewis; C. H. Hopkins, of Oneida; J. B. Jenkins, of Madison; Isaac L. Endres, of Livingston; Adolphe Notte. of Monroe; W. H. Merrill, of Wyoming; John Sherwood, of Erie; G. W. Palmer, of Chautauqua; S. B. Garritt, A. B. Cornell, Luther Caldwell, and James Terwilliger.

Note. Mr. C. T. Hulburd upon reaching home on Oct. 17, 1867, after a four months trip abroad, was first informed of his nomination in Ogdensburg. He decided to decline. This gave the Republican managers a chance to redeem and bolster up their ticket in view of the cry against corrupt candidates by the substitution of Mr. Hillhouse, whose faithful services were well known. New York Commercial Advertiser, Oct. 25, 1867.

1 New York Commercial Advertiser, Sept. 26, 1867.

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