as "conspicuous neither for resisting official corruption, nor for anything else". Greeley, however, consoled disinterested third parties by assuring them that—" It is quite distressing to see their tears over the State officers who were not renominated. . . . But we were not nominating Democratic candidates, nor in any manner trying to please that party."2 The platform affirmed the right of impartial suffrage. It took strong ground against corruption and mismanagement in the affairs of the State and declared a " purpose to continue the work of administrative reform it had inaugurated; that it will steadily fight corruptionists and ever hold them its enemies; that it will urge war against them until corruption and maladministration are rooted out and destroyed. . ." Emphatically declaring for the support of Congress and its policy, the platform most cordially approved Hon. Edwin M. Stanton in his conduct of office, and condemned, "as an insult to the nation ", the removal of General Philip H. Sheridan and General Daniel E. Sickles. A sop was thrown to the church-going and temperance elements in a resolution for the enforcement of a quiet Sabbath and the excise law, this to be done, however, in such a manner as not to interfere with the liberty of the citizen. All endeavors to interfere with the financial obligations of the Union were repelled and rebuked, although the platform asserted the need for fairness and equality in the public burdens. The Union soldiers were recognized for their services and thanks were given to Governor Fenton and Senators Morgan and Conkling. The spirit of the platform was well stated by the watchword 1 New York World, Sept. 27, 1867. New York Tribune, Sept. 27, 1867. New York Times, Sept. 26, 1867. inscribed upon the party banner-" National reconstruction through liberty and justice: State repose through integrity and economy ".1 Whatever may be said of the wisdom or discretion of the Convention, [declared the Sun] it certainly deserves credit for blunt honesty, for there is not an equivocal line or evasive word in the platform. . . . The suffrage plank in the platform ... a sacrifice of political strength on the altar of consistency . . . will cost the party ten thousand votes.' The World, not so magnanimous as the Sun, asked-"When did it ever before happen that a political party adopted a platform condemning, not its opponents, but itself? Sunday liquor laws! Who passed them? Official corruption! Who perpetrated it? Negro suffrage! Who refused to submit to it?" Meanwhile Greeley assured all that the platform was "broad enough for all . . . who seek the true interests of the country . . . and at the same time guard and advance the best interests of the Empire State." * 3 Henry J. Raymond showed the sincerity of his spirit in his attitude towards the Republican party. His editorials acted as oil upon the waters. "The Republican State Convention which assembled at Syracuse yesterday," said the Times, "performed its work quickly and well . . . the party enters upon the contest with a new batch of candidates on a platform which will commend itself to the judgment of Republicans throughout the State." B The Republican papers in the western portion of the 1 New York Times, Sept. 26, 1867. 2 [170 State uniformly agreed that the Syracuse convention had acted wisely in nominating a new slate. The Commercial Advertiser went so far as to admit that certain of the old Unionist officials, especially those on the canal contracting board, had been corrupt. In the northern section of the State the Republicans appeared to be well satisfied with the choice of Mr. Hulburd, of St. Lawrence County, as their representative on the ticket. No sign of the criticism of Mr. Hulburd, which appeared in other quarters, was manifest in the press of his home town. So far as our local interests are concerned," said the Daily Journal, of Ogdensburg, 66 we believe that the Northern portion of the State will be benefited by the nomination and election of Mr. Hulburd. With Mr. Hulburd in the Comptroller's office, we are certain that the influence of at least one of the departments will not be used to prevent the Niagara Ship Canal from becoming a successful enterprise." The Republican organs of Syracuse seemed to be chiefly impressed with the harmony and good-will displayed in the convention.* Nevertheless, flaws were discovered in the harmony which the western and Syracuse papers vaunted. The Utica Morning Herald, the mouthpiece of Conkling, denied that the new slate had resulted from a movement to increase the power of Fenton by placing him in the vicepresidency the next year. Roberts insisted that the new 'Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, Sept. 26, 27, 1867; Buffalo Express, Sept. 27, 1867; Rochester Daily Democrat, Sept. 26, 1867. Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, Sept. 27, 1867. 3 Ogdensburg Daily Journal, Sept. 27, 1867. See note supra, p. 167. 4 Syracuse Daily Journal, Sept. 26, 1867; Syracuse Daily Standard, Sept. 26, 1867. ticket had for its purpose the purification of the party.1 This was also the attitude assumed by the Albany Evening Journal, which emphasized the endorsement of impartial suffrage.2 3 The Democratic organs of the State considered the nomination of an entire new ticket as an open confession of guilt, a point which they were not slow to urge. The sentiment seemed to prevail among the Democrats that Fenton had controlled the convention. But there was one notable exception to this opinion. The Daily Union and Advertiser, of Rochester, viewed the failure to nominate the old ticket not as any condemnation of official corruption but simply as the victory of one "Ring" in the Republican party over another in the struggle for spoils." Albany was the scene of two co-temporary conventions. The State Temperance Convention met there on the same day, Thursday, October 3rd, with the State convention of the Democrats. The temperance convention drew up the usual resolutions and nominated candidates. It attempted, moreover, to exert an influence upon the considerations of the Democratic body, through the proximity of the meeting. At the Democratic convention the attendance was small, the hall being less than two-thirds full at both of the sessions. In accordance with a custom honored since the days. of the Regency, or because, as the Herald suggested, “the 1 Utica Morning Herald, Sept. 26, 1867. Albany Evening Journal, Sept. 26, 1867. Syracuse Daily Courier and Union, Sept. 26, 1867; Buffalo Daily Courier, Sept. 27, 1867; Utica Daily Observer, Sept. 26, 1867. 4 6 Buffalo Daily Courier, Sept. 27, 1867. Rochester Daily Union and Advertiser, Sept. 24, 1867. * A group of Democratic politicians, who two decades before the Civil War, controlled the politics of the State. were determined not to 1 managers of the convention hazard the success of their party by leaving anything to be settled in the public deliberations of the delegates," 1 the convention adjourned on the first day without taking action on nominations or platform. Samuel J. Tilden, Ex-Governor Seymour, and Mayor Hoffman, of New York, were the prominent figures of the convention. "2 The World stated that the Democratic State convention had not assembled for many years "under circumstances so auspicious to harmony, energy, courage, and hope; nor has there ever been a time in the whole history of the country when consequences so important depended on Democratic success. Samuel J. Tilden, in his speech calling the convention to order, congratulated the delegates upon the harmony everywhere apparent. He hoped that nothing would be recalled save the public good and that all personal preferences and predilections would be ignored, looking towards harmony in the Presidential contest of the ensuing year. A brief but mighty struggle took place between Hoffman and Horatio Seymour, as to who should be permanent chairman. Hoffman's friends coveted the honor for him in the belief that its prestige would strengthen him in his candidacy for Governor in the next convention. It was seen, nevertheless, that Seymour was still far too powerful, so a hasty retreat was effected. Hoffman was made the temporary chairman instead. His speech was well received, but failed to create much enthusiasm among the country delegates, who were not fully appreciative of his slang and frequent reference to the negro. He gave evidence of the location of his support in a violent denunciation of the recent legislation affecting the 1 New York Herald, Oct. 5, 1867. 'New York World, Oct. 2, 1867. |