lowing: Joshua M. Van Cott, of Kings; Charles S. Spencer, of New York; Chauncey M. Depew, of Westchester; Hamilton Harris, of Albany; Calvin Hulburd, Sr., of St. Lawrence; Ellis H. Roberts, of Oneida; Frank Hiscock, of Onondaga; and Luther Caldwell, of Chemung.

Lyman Tremaine reported the resolutions, which were in full accord with the Radicals in Congress.1 Reuben E. Fenton was named as the first choice of the Republicans of New York State for the vice-presidency. His great prudence and firmness, his patriotic service while in Congress, and his sagacity as a Governor was affirmed. Republicans were exhorted not to permit the Democrats to overturn the results of Appomattox Court House.

Horace Greeley closed the convention with one of his ironical addresses in which he reminded the Republicans that the strongest vote ever cast against the Republicans was polled the previous fall. He warned them against overconfidence and remarked that something besides talk would be necessary to elect the Republican ticket.2

The Radical organization under Fenton's leadership could feel proud of their work as the convention adjourned. It was planned and carried out accordingly to make the convention a Fenton organization meeting. Benjamin Field, Luther Caldwell, temporary chairman Joshua Van Cott, and president of the convention, Charles H. Van Wyck, were credited with being the men who forced through the Fenton program. The disturbance caused by the recriminations of the contesting delegates from New York City was the chief difficulty encountered. Although overcome in the convention, the anti-Fenton sentiment reappeared at Chicago, being the cause in some degree for his failure to win the nomination for vice-president.

1 New York Times, Feb. 6, 1868; New York Herald, Feb. 6, 1868. 'New York Tribune, Feb. 6, 1868.

THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL NOMINATING CONVENTION

The auspices under which the National Republican Convention met in the Crosby Opera House, Chicago, on May 20, 1868, were not all that could be desired. The friction between an impolitic, unyielding President and a rash, revengeful Congress had changed the current of public sentiment and had created new issues, many previously unthought of, causing wounds still unhealed. These new issues were largely foreign to those which caused the Civil War. First, questions arose concerning the readmittance of the seceded States and their social and economic conditions, which resulted in the supremacy of the Congressional over the Presidential theory. Secondly, came the issue between the President and Congress over their relative powers. Thirdly, the shorter but equally bitter conflict between the Supreme Court and Congress arose over the powers and functions of each, followed by the withdrawal of the former from the field. Lastly, the attempt to oust the President, with its failure and resultant loss of prestige for the Congressional party, made a situation the entire course of which enveloped the Radical section of the Republican party in a cloud of suspicion.

3

The agreement of the delegates at Chicago on the name of Grant, nevertheless, tended to allay alarm. Grant's name appears to have been accepted without serious question. This naturally lessened the excitement of the convention. Still, considerable interest was awakened over the selection of the vice-president and the formation of a plat

1 Utica Morning Herald, Utica, May 21, 1868.

2 The eleventh article of impeachment failed by a vote of "guilty", 35; "not guilty," 19 (test vote); on May 16, 1868. Ten days later the court of impeachment adjourned sine die after reaching the same result on the second and third articles.

For list of State delegations cf., New York Tribune, May 19, 1868.

form. The great topic of discussion among the thousands at the convention was the vice-presidency.1

The New York delegation centered the attention of the delegates. It was practically unanimous in advising against any allusion to the anti-impeachment senators in the platform, but was ready to support the position of the Radicals on all points involved in the impeachment trial. The New York delegation brought with them an organization of approximately two hundred outsiders who were organized under Thomas G. Alvord as chairman. These men were divided among the various State delegations to work for the nomination of Governor Fenton for vice-president.

Nevertheless the New York delegation was not a unit. The Conservative Republicans of New York occupied practically the entire day of May 19th attempting to demonstrate to the various State delegations that New York was not solid for Fenton. A circular signed by Senators Charles J. Folger, Richard Crowley, ex-Senator Thomas J. Murphy, Rufus W. Andrews, Hugh Hastings and others who called themselves delegates to the convention was distributed. This move did not net them much as the Fentonites sent forth counter circulars showing that the majority of the signers on the first circular had supported Hoffman, the Tammany-Tweed ring candidate for Governor.2

Six candidates for vice-president were prominent before the convention: Governor Reuben E. Fenton, of New York; Speaker Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana; Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania; ex-Vice-President Hamlin, of Maine; Senator Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, and Senator Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts.

Prior to the assembling of the convention it was under

1 New York Tribune, May 20, 1868.

2 Ibid. New York Times, May 20, 1868.

stood that New York would press Fenton until his nomination was clearly seen to be impossible. The delegation refused to indicate a second choice, yet it was understood about the convention that New York, in case of failure to nominate Fenton, would support either Hamlin or Colfax.1 The matter of seating the Southern States' delegations was a problem freely discussed prior to the convention. All the Southern States were represented except Texas. The Southern delegates were firm in their belief that they would have no trouble in gaining seats. Many among them declared that they would join the Democracy sooner than submit to what they would consider an insult. Nevertheless, when the temporary organization was completed the New York delegation under the leadership of Charles Spencer forced the admittance of the Southern votes. Great applause attended the action. The New York delegation was unquestionably the leader for the day and lost no opportunity to push Fenton."

Curious was the situation which now existed. Radicals were recognizing in their convention representatives from States which they refused to recognize in Congress. However, the reason for this action on the part of the convention is obvious. Investigation shows that it was around the votes of the Southern delegates that the chief trading in candidates centered.3

The temporary and permanent organizations having been effected, respectively, under General Carl Schurz, of Missouri, and ex-Governor Hawley, of Connecticut, on May 20th, the convention reconvened at ten A. M. on the 21st, and the committee on the platform, after an all-night

1 New York Times, May 29, 1868. New York Tribune, May 19, 1868. 'New York Times, May 21, 1868; New York Tribune, May 21, 1868. New York Times, May 21, 1868; New York Herald, May 21, 1868.

3

session, reported through its chairman, Hon. R. W. Thompson, of Indiana. The chief struggle in the committee had been over the question whether or not to censure the senators who had defeated impeachment.' The moderates won. Yet when it was seen that Johnson was arraigned, the House of Representatives commended for impeaching him and Johnson declared to have been properly found guilty by the votes of thirty-five senators, without any impugning of the motives of the senators who voted against impeachment, every one appeared content with the compromise. "The friends of conscience and the right of private judgment thanked God it was no worse." 2

The convention next proceeded to the Presidential nominations. General John A. Logan, in a brief but stirring speech, placed General Grant in nomination. As each delegation voted solidly for Grant, totaling 650 votes, the wild enthusiasm of the wigwam knew no bounds. It was the first real burst of enthusiasm in the convention.

Attention was next given to nominations for the vicepresidency. The strife between the three leading candidates, Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, and Reuben E. Fenton, of New York, was keen. Governor Fenton was proposed by Lyman Tremaine in a spirited speech. The enthusiasm with which Fenton's name was received placed him third in popular favor. On the first ballot Fenton ranked second to Wade, but fell into third position on the second, where he remained to the end.

1 New York Commercial Advertiser, May 21, 1868.

New York Times, May 22, 1868.

On the day previous a premature attempt had been made to nominate Grant by acclamation but the excitement had been allayed by Lyman Tremaine, who urged that the nomination should proceed with dignity and deliberation.