found a platform to which the party would not give entire and cordial assent.1 Weed could not see the advantage in a prolongation of the snarl with Johnson. "What the House failed to establish, the voice of Loyal Leagues, of committees, of backwoods gatherings and even of a National Convention cannot dignify." The defeat of Fenton gave Weed complete satisfaction; he had urged that the Grant ticket be not imperiled by his candidacy.

2

Among the up-State papers the epitomized sentiment of the New York City journals was generally made the basis for editorials. The Rochester Daily Democrat considered that the "platform is all that we could wish it to be". Regarding the defeat of Fenton the Daily Democrat stated the Governor lost because a noisy squad of Weed men pretended that Fenton was not fully supported at home. The declarations of Weed were, without doubt, the truth, the evident wishes of the Daily Democrat to the contrary notwithstanding. The most flattering and perhaps sincere indorsement of Colfax which appeared in any of the State journals was published by the Buffalo Express.

5

If strength is needed to be accumulated upon a ticket which General Grant heads, it is to be added by the name of Schuyler Colfax, whose whole record in Congress from the day he entered the House of Representatives until he became again and

1 New York Commercial Advertiser, May 21, 1868.

2 Ibid.

8 New York City press attitude on May 22, 1868: Tribune, “Delighted with the action of the Chicago Convention." Times, “Convention on the whole did its work well." World, "Ticket as a whole is not a strong one." Herald, "Ticket is a strong one." Sun, “To defeat the ticket the Democrats must nominate two of their ablest and most popular men."

Rochester Daily Democrat, May 22, 1868.

again its presiding officer has been among the most brilliant and unblemished in the annals of the national legislature.1

The leading Radical organ of the southern tier, the Binghamton Daily Republican, which very frankly classified itself as belonging to the "more advanced school"," had placed Grant at the head of its ticket on February 24, 1868, with the explanation that although Grant is not a Radical, so-called, "we trust him implicitly ". The Daily Republican was one of Governor Fenton's urgent advocates for vice-president. It argued for Fenton as an able and incorruptible governor who had twice defeated the Democrats of the State against fearful odds. But on Fenton's failure the change to Colfax was made without a ripple of disappointment. The Broome Weekly Republican reflected the sentiment of the Daily Republican in speaking of Colfax-" His political opponents can only strengthen his claims by objecting to his politics.'

3

994

To Ellis Roberts, of the Utica Morning Herald, the outlook did not appear so roseate as the majority of Radical journals asserted. Although in the van of the journals which flayed Johnson and his policy the Morning Herald appeared to have become suddenly cautious and timid. To Roberts the election of Grant was a possibility not a probability. As for Colfax the necessity for bolstering the weak spots in his political career were obvious. It would seem that Roberts read the political barometer aright with reference to New York State, but made his error in interpreting

the rise of Democratic strength in New York as indicative of the situation in the country at large. Roberts followed the New York Times as a political indicator, and apparently was influenced by its hesitating and doubtful approval of the Chicago convention. Yet, prone to display the weaknesses of human nature, he could not refrain from a covert sneer.1

2

That old-time bulwark of Republicanism, the Albany Evening Journal, true to its ancient habit, was unrestrained in its enthusiasm over the nomination of Grant and considered his defeat impossible. It gave Fenton poor consolation by pointing out that he should feel proud of the support accorded him for the vice-presidency, coming as it did from all over the Union. The Evening Journal rejoiced that the platform endorsed Congressional Reconstruction, but stated that the direct issue in the campaign was the declaration of the platform in favor of the redemption of the national debt according to the terms of its creation." As typical of the up-State Democratic editorials on the Chicago Convention, the Utica Daily Observer published what might be termed the best example of the manner in which the results of the convention were received. the Daily Observer:

Said

The Radical leaders are experts in the manufacture of flimsy sensations and political claptrap. In the preparation of Brummagen tinsel, meretricious ornamentation, the fripperies, the simulated thunder and lightning, hail and rain of the theaters,

1 The New York Times is the nearest to hesitation and doubt, as is characteristic of it. Utica Morning Herald, May 25, 1868.

2 Albany Evening Journal, May 22, 1868.

* See also Rochester Daily Union and Advertiser, May 20, 22, 1868. "In the character and capacity of its individual members it is the weakest national convention in the history of American politics."

they are unrivaled. The cheap exhibitions of pinchbeck patriotism, and veneered honesty, with which they deceive the acidulated old maids, gullible grannies and short-sighted fanatics and bigots, who constitute the basis of their party, are clever specimens of adroit management of puppet shows. Their proficiency in the knavish legerdemain of politics is certainly remarkable: their facile shiftings of the Radical "little joker" under the thimble-upon which the people stake their money and lose-are marvels of manipulation. We wonder at the verdancy of those that allow themselves to be bamboozled by this jugglery; while we are disgusted with the cant, hypocrisy, and insincerity of the performers themselves.1

THE DEMOCRATIC STATE NOMINATING CONVENTION

The Democrats of the State met in State Convention at Tweedle Hall, Albany, on March 11, 1868, for the purpose of nominating delegates to the Democratic National Nominating Convention. The usual Democratic atmosphere seemed to be lacking, for New York City failed to send contesting delegations. Only one seat was contested in the convention. William M. Tweed and his disciples seemed to look on the proceedings with the coolness of masters, hence the great display of harmony.*

1Utica Daily Observer, May 26, 1868.

'New York Herald, March 12, 1868. Mr. Jacobs, of Kings, claimed the seat of Mr. Voorhies, of the 9th district of Kings. Mr. Jacobs' name had been listed among the delegates, but overnight Mr. Voorhies' name was substituted. Tammany had not forgiven Mr. Jacobs for his effrontery in running for speaker contrary to the machine in the legislature.

'New York World, March 12, 1868; New York Herald, March 12, 1868. Tweed moved the nominations of the vice-presidents. Tweed and Richard B. Connolly represented the first district on the committee to select delegates.

It appears that the program was arranged the night before in

The absence of contesting delegations permitted the leaders to start the convention with the permanent organization. Samuel J. Tilden, chairman of the State central committee, called the convention to order and under his direction the organization was completed without controversy, with Marshall B. Champlain, of Allegany, as president. Champlain's address had for its keynote the thought that Democracy was in the midst of revolution, therefore it must act calmly.

After a recess the convention reassembled at 3:30 P. M. and was addressed by Horatio Seymour, whose speech was the counterpart of the convention proceedings, being noncommittal, unsuggestive and lacking a certain firmness. The tenor of Seymour's address was that the Democrats should present no candidate at this time but go to the National Convention prepared to take advantage of circumstances and issues as they presented themselves at that time, and support the candidates best suited to present those issues. Seymour devoted the greater part of his address to an able but bloodless discussion of currency, bonds and taxes in which nothing new was presented.1 Samuel J. Tilden addressed the convention at length after Seymour. Tilden reviewed the history of the two parties and contended that the policy of the Republicans had been, and was, to impoverish the country, centralize power, paralyze industry, multiply taxation and elevate the negro while degrading the white man.2

Tweed's headquarters, Room No. 57-Delevan House. Orders were given out that a free and unrestrained expression of opinion was to prevail. New York Herald, March 12, 1868; New York World, March 12, 1868.

1 New York World, March 12, 1868; New YorkTimes, March 12, 1868.