The keynote of the Democratic campaign was given in a letter from Samuel J. Tilden to the Seymour and Blair ratification meeting at Washington. The issues as Tilden saw them were two, namely, opposition to negro supremacy, and opposition to the monstrous fiscal extravagance of the Republican party.1 These resembled the issues as the World saw them, i. e., reduction of the army and navy, and abolishment of the Freedman's Bureau. The Republicans were thus forced to meet the issue.

3

2

In August a campaign book, compiled by special commissioner of the revenue David A. Wells, was circulated in which the expenses of the administration since the War were enumerated. These figures were hailed with delight by the Democrats, who could now use authentic Republican figures to show just how expensive and extravagant the Republican administration had been. "At present nobody can advocate economy without thrusting a sword into the vitals of the Republican policy," said Tilden.*

On the other hand, while the Democrats were leading their forces against the Republican extravagance, Vallandigham and other Democratic orators of the West pretended to see in Seymour's utterances an interpretation of the Democratic platform acceptable to Westerners on the greenback question, namely, the payment of that portion of the national debt known as five-twenties in greenbacks."

1 1 New York World, July 21, 1868. John Bigelow, The Life of Samuel J. Tilden, vol. i, pp. 215-17.

'New York World, July 24, 1868. New York World, Oct. 13, 1868. The World later defined the real financial issue between the two parties thus: "Whether we shall stop the extravagance which has raised and spent enough money since the war to have paid off all of the 5-20 bonds."

'Ibid., Aug. 1, 1868. The Army and Navy expenses since 1865 to the publishing of this book were $1,050,237,319.

'New York World, Oct. 2, 1868.

5 See New York Herald, Aug. 16, 1868.

A certain support on this point was given to the Democrats by the Evening Post which, although it doubted the constitutionality of the legal tender act, felt reassured that business would be safe in the event of any change in currency.1

2

As money proved to be the battle center of the campaign, so in the matter of personal politics did money-making, at the government's expense, prove to be a vulnerable spot for attack in the case of John A. Griswold. The World early discovered a mare's nest in the career of Griswold, whom it called an "imposter imposter" and a "confidence candidate". The facts as set forth by the World show that John A. Griswold and his partner John F. Winslow went as sureties on Ericsson's contract." This contract with the government to build the Monitor was entered into July 2, 1862, Griswold and Winslow furnishing the iron for the vessel. In December, 1863, Griswold took his seat in Congress as a Democrat. He voted against Colfax for speaker, Mr. Henry G. Stebbins, of New York City, being his choice. Later Griswold voted for his own petition for relief in connection with a heavy loss which threatened two others and himself on the contract. These facts, according to the Democratic journals and orators, furnished prima

66

'New York Evening Post, Sept. 1, 1868.

'New York World, Aug. 27, 1868. New York World, June 1, 6, 1868. The World was no less severe in its attacks on Grant. In connection with his speech of acceptance it spoke of him as a "puppet" and a "weather cock." Grant's statement that he would have no policy of his own "to interfere against the will of the people," was a "self-pronounced satire on General Grant's intellect and moral independence." Contrast with this, the statement of the Sun on Grant's acceptance, "It is short, sharp and decisive." New York Sun, June 2, 1868.

The inventor of the Monitor.

4 New York World, Aug. 12, 1868.

facie proof of Griswold's unsuitability for the office of Governor. The Argus1 was an able second to the World in hurling this charge against Griswold. The Argus claimed that Griswold had made $100,000 for himself and partner on the Monitor. The Republican journals, especially the Troy Times,' defended Griswold's action by showing the tremendous advantage the victory of the Monitor over the Merrimac gave to the North at a very critical period. Griswold's act in putting up the money to build the Monitor was lauded as the highest example of patriotism. The Times supported Griswold, backing the assertion of the Troy Times that the Monitor had been built at the personal expense of Griswold and his associates and was owned by them at the time of the Merrimac encounter. These statements and those of Griswold's supporters to the same effect were later branded as false by Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles. "The work of building the Monitor," said Welles,

was paid for as it progressed. Six payments were made between the middle of November and 3d of March, before the vessel was completed and delivered. The last and final payment, save the reservation which by contract was to be retained until after a satisfactory test, was made before she left New York on her trial trip.5

Although Welles makes it clear that he was up in arms

'Albany Argus, Aug. 4, 1868.

See Troy Times, Aug. 15, 1868. See New York Sun, Aug. 18, 1868. 'New York Times, Aug. 17, 1868.

Welles singled out General Benjamin F. Butler especially as one who had made false statements on the floor of the House relative to Griswold.

The Diary of Gideon Welles, vol. iii, p. 413, also see vol. i, pp. 213-215.

• Ibid., vol. iii, pp. 412-414. "John A. Griswold, a wealthy. iron

against the attempts made by Griswold's friends to slander the navy department, still his authoritative statements as Secretary of the Navy would seem to deny any validity for Griswold's claims.

Hoffman made his opening campaign speech at Buffalo on September 8th in which he proclaimed that the Democrats had but one object, i. e., the public good. He praised the conduct of the War and assailed the Radicals for not having lifted the country out of financial anarchy three years later.1 The World ably seconded Hoffman, claiming that under Seymour the only danger from anarchy would be the failure of the Republicans to submit to the party in power.2

The Times devoted its strength to a financial rebuttal. No one but the Democrats were to blame for a war the price of which was $4,071,030,060. The plausible equal tax on all property was regarded by the Times as the weakest plank in the Democratic platform because a tax on government bonds could not be made in view of recent Supreme Court decisions. The Tribune and the Evening Post directed their attack against Hoffman's relationship to

master and Member of Congress, has been nominated for Governor of New York by the Radicals, and there has been, and is, a persistent attempt to give him false credit in regard to the Monitor, and this by systematic and deliberate falsehood and injustice to the Department.-Yet the Hon. Mr. Griswold, knowing the facts, himself a party, sat quietly in his seat and took to himself this false credit without one word of explanation or justice to the Navy Department. His biographers have, I am persuaded by his connivance, not only made the same statement as Butler, but have gone farther and tried to ignore the Navy Department, or have slandered and belied it by declaring the Secretary was opposed, or only gave a negative support, to Mr. Griswold and his associates."

New York Sun, Sept. 9, 1868. New York World, Sept. 7, 1868. 'New York Times, Sept. 2, 1868.

and

Tammany Hall. Hoffman was but the "pliant tool "gypsy candidate" of Peter B. Sweeny and William M. Tweed. Greeley stated, we know now rightly, that with Hoffman in office it virtually meant Sweeny' for Governor with Tweed as Governor's assistant.2

3

The Maine elections gave the first definite indication of the results to be expected in November. The Republican Governor, Chamberlain, was re-elected over Pillsbury, the Democratic candidate, by a 20,000 majority, an increase of 10,000. In New York the Maine results were variously received. The Times was complacent. At the Cooper Union monster mass meeting held on the night of September 14th, Henry J. Raymond argued that all the country needed was four years of quiet. In his arguments he was seconded by General Kilpatrick and Charles S. Spencer. But Greeley apparently was not deceived by the situation in Maine, for he warned the New York State Republicans to force the fighting, as the situation in the State while hopeful was far from safe. The World assured all that the Republicans by their frenzy of joy over Maine only showed their fear of defeat in November." Such sureness was not displayed by the Sun, although it credited the Maine election to the folly of the Democrats in their choice of leaders.'

The Herald, also, read into the Maine election Repub

1 Sweeny furnished the brains for the Tweed Ring.

'New York Tribune, Sept. 5, 1868; New York Evening Post, Sept. 3, 29, 1868.

'The September elections in Vermont, Maine, Connecticut, Colorado, and New Mexico all returned Republican majorities.

New York Times, Sept. 15, 1868.

'New York Tribune, Sept. 16, 1868. New York World, Sept. 17, 1868. "New York Sun, Sept. 15, 1868.