France, one of the most favourite features of the treaty, would not at prefentamount to much, would foon be nothing, and might in the end turn against us. Upon this occafion he alfo mentioned the discoveries that had been made of mines of pitcoal in almost all the provinces of that kingdom.

With refpect to glass, he declared that he had feen a cut-glafs cup, bought at a retail fhop in Paris for 25. I1d. and that for one of the fame form a workman in London had charged 5s. for the cutting alone. With respect to cottons, he remarked that fome years ago the ufe of Swiss printed linens in France had nearly ruined their home manufactory: that this had excited the manufacturers to exert themselves, and that they now made as beautiful printed linens and cottons as any in the world. Our coarfe woollens would be fecure till the French learned how to manage their sheep properly; but our fuperfines would be beat out of the home market.Since the year 1760, this manufacture had been brought in France to the highest perfection, and did not fear a competition with the Englith: had there been the leaft apprehenfion for its fafety, the French miniftry would never have suffered the importation of our woollens upon fo eafy a duty; they would cautiously have protected a manufactory which had been nurfed by their government at an immenfe. expence for above a century. They might take a few more coarfe goods from us, in order to mix them with their own, for the American market; and this he thought would be their practice, much to our detriment, in other articles befides our woollens. He allowed, after all,

that these speculations, on both fides, were from their nature subject to error. It was the misfortune of the treaty that we could not judge of it but from experiment, and in making the experiment we might be undone.

He concluded by taking notice of two arguments that had been much relied upon in the defence of the treaty. It was faid that France opened.to us a market of 24 millions of people, in return for ours of only eight millions: but to give this argument any weight, it should be fhewn, which had never yet been done, that these 24 millions of people had as much occafion for our commodities as we had for their's, and as much money to lay out in purchafing them. It fhould be fhewn that they would as certainly clothe themselves in our woollens and cottons, as we should drink their wines and brandies.

The other argument was, that by extending our commerce and multiplying our manufactures, it would increase our resources, and make us more able to contend with France in war. But this, he obferved,was upon à fuppofition that it would not proportionably increase the refources of France. If it tended, as it manifeftly did, to incite the French to become a commercial and manufacturing nation, their refources would increase in as much a greater proportion as their population exceeds ours. If it were aiked how it tended to incite France to commercial exertions, he answered, by opening to her our home market, the richeft market in Europe; by exciting the induftry and ingenuity of her own people to fupport their own fabricks; and above all, by giving her every opportu

nity, the could wish for, of acquiring that manufacturing kill, by which we at present surpass her and all the world.

The bishop of Llandaff was anfwered by the marquis of Lanf down. He faid, there were two fundamental points for the committee to decide upon: the firft was, whether our old commercial fyftem fhould be changed, as totally erroneous;-the fecond, whether, if it fhould be thought right to open our trade to the world, France, for any political reafons, fhould be excepted?

With respect to the firft; before perfons of their lordships enlightened understanding, he believed it would require very little difcuffion. In fact, truth had made its own way. Commerce, like other fciences, had fimplified itself. He gave a fhort account of the change that had taken place in the opinions of mankind upon this fubject, and thewed that the old fyftem, with all its monopolies, prohibitions, protecting duties, balances of trade, and all the calculations formed upon them, was generally and juftly exploded; and confequently, that with them all the learned prelate's arguments which were gounded upon that fyftem, fell to the ground. It was a proud day, he faid, for the manufacturers of this country, to fee them come down in a body from their ftrong holds, fenced in by prohibitions, and mixing with the world. Seated as they had been on the throne of monopoly, they generoufly chose to defcend from it; and feeing the true policy of the meafure, confented without a murmur to give up all their fences and fortifications, to meet the foreign manufacturer on equal terms at their own

or at his market-to venture abroad with perhaps but one-eighth of the advantages of many other commercial countries-and to bring home wealth in one hand and revenue in the other.

The fecond point they had to confider was, whether, in case it fhould be thought right to remove all unnatural reftrictions from our commerce, and to open it to the world, France should be an exception? The ground taken by those who contended for the affirmative was the invariable and fyftematic political enmity of that country to this. But he denied the fact: nothing, he faid, could be lefs founded; and this he proved at large from the hiftory of the two nations, from a view of the political state of Europe, and from his own converfations with feveral of the most eminent ftatesmen of France.

Having cleared these points, and declared that he heartily approved of the principle of the treaty, and was only forry that it had not been carried to a greater extent; he said, there were fome particulars upon which he was not entirely satisfied with the conduct of the negotiators. He was free to own that he thought greater advantages for this country might have been obtained. What floated in his own mind was fomething of this fort: to have admitted freely, article for article, all manufactures, where the firft materials were equally attainable, any momentary fuperiority, under fuch cir cumftances, being in negotiation of no account. Some unreciprocal articles would remain on both fides; wine, brandy, vinegar, and oil, on the fide of France; coals, lead, tin, on ours. Theirs were luxuries, which we can get elsewhere;

[G] 3

ours are neceffaries which they cannot, at least, to advantage; we had confequently a right to expect an equivalent for both. There was befides, the political tendency of the treaty, in doing away prejudices, and removing the probability of war, which manifeftly in the end tends to double the force of France by putting her at her eafe. Compenfation therefore was due for these three points; and what occurred to his mind was, to get fome advantage in point of navigation, and to have faid fomething of this fort to France: In proportion as we give up to you land, you must give up to us fea.

Secondly, he thought a favour able opportunity had been neglect ed of doing fomething for the fettlement and fecurity of India.

Thirdly, he expreffed his aftonifhment at feeing the neutral code recognized in the treaty. He was authorized, he thought, from what paffed at making the peace, in giving it as his opinion and conjecture, that it was a point the French would never have infifted upon. It was not the intereft of either country to fuffer new marines to ftart up and grow too powerful. Hitherto, at leaft, these were the politics of France relative to Ruflia.

Fourthly, no fteps appeared to have been taken for putting a ftop to the erections at Cherburg.

He laftly adverted to Ireland, and faid it was fcarcely credible that we had no fettlement either made or in view with that country. It was idle to talk of the Irifh propofitions having been made and rejected, and that therefore nothing was to be done. Such language was much too humourfome to ufe towards a great country. If a minister were

He

to tell the public and parliament of Great Britain, that they did not know their own intereft, and muft abide the confequence, he would be looked upon as infatuated. hoped therefore fomething would be done without delay, and that Ireland would not be left to receive greater favour from France than from Great Britain.

He concluded with declaring his opinion, that if this country should decline, it would not be on account of this treaty, but for other obvious caufes. If we continued under a perpetual fluctuation of administrations, and, in confequence, of fystems, as we had done for many years paft, if we went on rotting in our corruption, and facrificing the army, the church, and the ftate, to the paltry purpofe of procuring majorities in the two houfes of parliament, we could never expect to be profperous, wealthy, or powerful.

The defence of the treaty, during the whole progrefs of its difcuffion, fell almoft totally upon Lord Hawkesbury, who to the objections of its adverfaries oppofed the various arguments which we have already ftated in its favour, with great judgment and ability. The marquis of Buckingham alfo took a confiderable fhare in the debate on the fide of government; and the duke of Manchefter, the lords Stormont, Loughborough, and Portchefter, on the fide of oppofition. The greatest number that divided in the committee was upon the first refolution, when there appeared contents 81, not contents 35.

In the course of these debates a fingular altercation took place between the duke of Richmond and lord Lanfdown, relative to contra

dictory

dictory opinions, charged by the former to have been held by the marquis in different fituations, upon his grace's plan of fortification *. It was afferted, on the one fide, that when lord Shelburne was at the head of the treasury, the plan had been communicated to him, and that he had expreffed a direct approbation of it. This affertion was as pofitively contradicted by the marquis, who nevertheless acknowledged, that at the time the communication was made he had not had leifure to confult with thofe of his friends, who were most capable of giving an authoritative opinion on the fubject. That it happened at the moment of fettling the preliminaries of the peace; when particular circumftances, known he believed to most of their lordships (he meant the divifions which fubfifted in the cabinet) might make it neceffary for him to use some addrefs with the noble duke, and to be cautious of provoking a very irritable mind by a direct rejection

of a favourite fcheme. And as a proof that he had never given a direct approbation, he read a letter written to him by the duke, fubfequent to the time of the fuppofed approbation, in which he requests him to turn the matter in his thoughts, and give him an anfwer thereon as foon as he conveniently could; adding, that when he knew his opinion, he fhould form his ordnance eftimate accordingly. To rebut this prefumptive evidence, the duke of Richmond read a letter from Mr. Pitt, who was prefent at the time the approbation was alledged to have been given, in which he declares, "That the impreffion made upon his mind at the time was, and had continued foon every reflectionfince, that his lordshipdidfignify his approbation of the plans of fortification."

On the 7th of March the concurrence of the lords in the refolutions and addrefs was communicated to the commons; and the day following the addrefs was prefented by both houfes to the king.