obedience, would characterise their tempers di positions inconsistent with the free constitution of this country. As to an asylum for soldiers' children, he fully approved it, and was glad to hear they were not all to be military. This would be repugnant to Christianity, and inconsistent with the British constitution. He remarked also on the time the measure was brought forward. At the beginning of the session, when the failure of the expedition to Holland, and those of Ferrol and Cadiz, were fresh in mind, no such plan was proposed: now, at the close, when our arms were distinguished by the most heroic courage and excellent discipline, this measure was introduced. When needed, it was not mentioned. At any rate, such an expense should be deferred till the country had recovered itself from war. Its officers had been trained in the best school, that of experience, in the course of nine years; therefore the measure was unnecessary, and years must pass ere we should want officers again. He was sorry to hear Mr. Yorke, respecting peace, on a former night; namely, that we could not hope for one sincere and solid, but only an armistice; convenient only at present, but not allowing the reduction of our force. He hoped when peace was made, no more jealousy would exist between the two nations: this peace would be as solid, secure, and permanent, as any. concluded with a rival nation.

The secretary at war explained, stating, that his language respecting the peace had been misrepresented by Mr. Grey. He said only, that at present we could not hope for a sincere peace-at best, only a hollow, suspicious, and armed peace. He said, that, according to

1801.

Mr. Grey's own expression, we ought to be more than ever jealous of France. This was the policy and system of our wisest and best administrations, and the best that could be pursued. He wished the British officers as superior to the French in military science, as they certainly were in courage, honour, zeal, and loyalty.

Mr. James Martin disapproved the measure entirely, even the asylum for soldiers' children. He was convinced that all thus educated must become soldiers. This he regarded as an hereditary military cast in the country, and a gross violation of its constitution. He thought our proceedings for several years past had tended to its destruction, and the substitution of a military government.

Sir William Elford supported the measure, arguing that all the influence Mr. Grey had assigned to emulation would be answered thereby.

Mr. Hussey warmly opposed it. He averred, that though the army might be improved by this institution, he should dislike an army composed from it. This college was to give military science to the pupils: he asked if our colleges in general taught science?-he believed but few would say so. He thought the promotion of military science should be left solely to emulation. He opposed such a measure twenty years ago, which was then given up. This should meet his opposition in every stage.

The secretary at war showed a difference between the present case and that alluded to. As to the pa

tronage of the proposed bill, the thirty staff-officers were to be appointed by the commander-in-chief: in the junior class, fifty by the EastIndia company from among their

R

cadettes;

tion of humour, of resentment, of envy, or of fear. Though commonly regarded as a circumstance of little moment in this country, a change of ministers is in reality a matter of great magnitude, since the character of the moving power is changed; and on the character of the men who direct the national councils the measures will depend. There are no prescribed rules for the conduct of statesmen, there is no recipe for the government of a nation; but the man will always appear through the disguise of the minister. Rash, insolent, vain, and sanguine, measures of an intemperate character were only congenial to the persons who lately filled the highest offices of state. To restore peace and tranquillity, men of a more sober and cautious temperament, of a less haughty and daring spirit, were required: and, perhaps, having less of what is thought to be political reputation to support, and an humbler opinion of their own talents, the new administration were less fearful of descending from the high pretensions which had been previously advanced. It was no longer the idle ambition of the British cabinet to direct the councils of Europe; and they had consequently leisure and disposition to consult the immediate welfare of the British nation.

The reader must have observed, in the communications and speeches of the new ministers, in the course of the debates, a frankness and moderation to which his ear for some years past must have been unaccustomed. The same character they carried into their transactions with foreign nations; and it has been remarked, that from the period of their accession to office the public business was

conducted, in all respects, with a degree of method, regularity, and impartiality, to which those who transacted business with the servants of the crown had been strangers before; and if Mr. Addington and his colleagues did not aspire to the useless glory of shaking the senate by the thunder of their eloquence, of appearing as the first declaimers in Europe, they proved themselves something better-men of business.

To repair the errors of their predecessors was not an easy task. Peace with France at this time appeared even more impracticable than at any former period of the war. The disgust excited by the haughty rejection of Bonaparte's overture, on his assuming the government, was heightened by the breach of a treaty honourably and beneficially concluded by a meritorious (and we think an authorised) officer, and by an order as wantonly issued as it was meanly revoked, for seizing the fishingboats off the coast of France. Even the accredited agent of the French government had found his situation so little correspondent with his wishes, that his recall had been determined. France was now strengthened by the alliance of Russia; and a formidable confederacy of the maritime powers of the North threatened the dissolution of the naval empire of Great-Britain. To these we may add, the evils of a famine actually existing, and exaggerated by the probable exclu sion of our vessels from the granary of Europe.

To prevent the active co-operation of Denmark with the designs of Russia, an armament was fitted out in the British ports, consisting of seventeen sail of the line, three frigates, and about twenty bomb

R 2

ketches, gun-brigs, &c. under the command of sir Hyde Parker and lord Nelson. This fleet sailed from Yarmouth on the 12th of March, and triumphantly passed the Sound, which was deemed impossible, and reached the capital of Denmark. The Danes appear to have made very formidable dispositions. Before the city was stationed an armed flotilla, consisting of ships of the line, galleys, fire-ships, and gun-boats. These were flanked and supported by extensive batteries on the two islands called the Crowns, the largest of which mounted from fifty to seventy pieces of cannon. The attack was made by a division of the English fleet under lord Nelson, consisting of twelve ships of the line and four frigates. After a very severe engagement, an end was put to the contest by lord Nelson spontaneously offering a cessation of arms, which, it is said, was not less necessary to his own than the enemy's forces. After the battle, it appeared that the Danes had lost eighteen ships, among which were seven old men of war of the line fitted up for that particular occasion. Lord Nelson next proceeded to approach Copenhagen, into which some bombs were thrown; but an attack on the city was prevented by a flag of truce, which was sent on board lord Nelson's ship; and an armistice was soon after concluded with sir Hyde Parker by the Danish court.

On the 19th of April the British fleet appeared off the entrance of Carlscrona; and the admiral acquainted the governor, That the court of Denmark having concluded an armistice, by which the unfortunate dispute with the court of St. James's had been accommodated, he was directed to require

an explicit answer from his Swedish majesty relative to his intention of adhering to or abandoning the hostile measures he had taken in conjunction with Russia. An official answer to this demand was communicated from the king of Sweden to sir Hyde Parker, intimating that his Swedish majesty would not fail to fulfil the engagements entered into with his allies; but that he would not refuse to listen to equitable proposals.made by deputies furnished with proper authority to regulate the matters in dispute.

The termination of the contest is, however, not to be attributed either to the battle of Copenhagen or to the victorious progress of the British fleet, but to an event which had just before taken place, to the astonishment of Europe, and which produced an almost instantaneous revolution in the politics of the North. On the 23d of March the emperor Paul, who had played so versatile and extraordinary a part on the political stage from the period when he ascended the Russian throne, expired suddenly. Respecting the cause and manner of his death, a cautious silence has been maintained in Russia; nor would it be safe to report what we have heard even in this country. Of his character, but little is to be said. His conduct was marked by an eccentricity which not unjustly induced a suspicion of mental derangement. His benignity to Kosciusko and the Polish insurgents formed an extraordinary contrast to his zçal in embarking in the crusade against France; and this again was succeeded by another change no less wonderful-in his desertion of the coalesced powers, his alliance with Bonaparte, and his quarrel with England.-What

ever may be urged in favour of the general principle of what has been called the Northern confederacy, nothing can justify the seizure of the British vessels and the subsequent confiscation of British property. It is said by some one, that justice is the law of kings;" and certainly nothing can be more inconsistent with honour and character than a breach of justice in those whose peculiar function it is to administer and protect it. This wanton outrage has been attempted to be justified by referring to the attack on French and Dutch property in the British funds at the commencement of the war; but we reply, whatever might be the reasons for that measure, one violent action does not justify another. As a sovereign, Paul might inspire terror; but he could not be respected. The same eccentricity which marked his character in his foreign relations distinguished his domestic policy; and many of his acts can only be characterised as the capricious outrages of a tyrant. His mortal career was too soon interrupted to admit of a complete developement of his character; but, from what we saw, it was impossible to predict that he would have lived either to his own honour or the benefit of his country.

The day succeeding his decease, his eldest son, Alexander, was proclaimed emperor of all the Russias. On the 13th the new emperor visited the senate, and several ukases of a popular nature were issued: one, in particular, reviving and confirming all the regulations of the late empress Catharine for the encouragement of industry and com

merce.

The conduct of the new emperor, on his accession to power, was at least characterised by an apparent

moderation, which formed a contrast to the hasty violence of his predecessor. The claim on Malta was relinquished; though it has been rumoured that his imperial majesty expressed a wish to be elected grand master of the order, by the free suffrages of the knights.

Soon after, a cessation of arms, and the general outline of a pacific accommodation with Great-Britain, were agreed on between the Rus sian court and sir Hyde Parker; and lord St. Helen's was dispatched from our court with full powers to terminate the dispute. In the mean time, the embargo on the British ships detained in the ports of Russia was removed; and this honourable conduct was answered by a correspondent act of liberality on the part of Great-Britain. Under these favourable auspices the negotiation commenced, and from such appearances it was natural to conclude that each party would be disposed to concede a little; and such, in truth, was the result. It is rather an awkward circumstance in a treaty of peace to provide for the events of a future war; but the present treaty comes not precisely under that predicament: its object was, in case of the prevalence of hostilities among the other European powers, to prevent a rupture between the contracting parties. We are not so cynical as to cavil at the conditions: on the contrary, we think they are such as a liberal system of policy would have conceded on our part, had there not even been any power in the other parties to resist our demands. One stipulation is particularly deserving of praise; and that is, confining the right of search to the ships which are employed entirely in the service of government. Such vessels are at least under a more R 3

rigid