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government to declare war against France. The flow of the heart of these people is naturally towards their English relations. An Englishman, if he behaves himself, has a thousand advantages, which no other countryman possesses; and if he is conscious of proper feeling towards the country of his adoption, he may at once consider himself at home among its citizens; by whom he will be received with every attention which cordiality and kindness can bestow.

In Pennsylvania the freedom of election is extended to all citizens who have paid the trifling county tax. In some other states the regulation is different. It is not necessary to enter into the question of the expediency, or inexpediency, of universal suffrage; nor how far it would be useful to have property represented in a political body; it is sufficient to know, that it is protected here by fair and equal laws. There are no rotten boroughs in the United States; and the bribery and corruption common at English elections are here unknown. It must be confessed, however, that a system is suffered to prevail which the good sense of the citizens should long since have banished; and which tends to preserve and perpetuate power in the hands of a few leaders of a dominant party; and who, instead of being actuated by "that first paternal virtue, "public zeal," are perhaps held together by the thirst of wealth, or the pride of office. It is common for half a dozen men who possess a little influ

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ence, to assemble in a county, and nominate certain persons to represent it in the state legislature, and in the congress of the United States; the nomination of these self-created leaders is usually followed by the voters at the election. The persons named are elected. The members of the state assembly, before they return to their homes, meet in caucus, (as a private political meeting is here termed,) and name some one as a candidate for the chair of government. An agreement is entered into, previous to a vote being taken, that he who shall have the majority shall be supported by all present; and it would be considered as the greatest proof of political apostacy to act contrary to the opinion of the majority of this meeting. The same thing is done by the members of the congress, in the selection of a person for the presidency; a measure calculated to give undue influence to persons, who may ill deserve the public confidence. This is almost equivalent to giving the president or governor the power of appointing his successor, in consequence of the influence which, during the sessions of the legislature, he may obtain over those who take it upon themselves to select, or nominate to the public, the candidates for those offices; and who, from the ramifications of political influence, have it in their power to render their candidate successful. In this way, the power of party becomes, in fact, the power of the leaders of it; and may be very dangerous to the freedom of election, and destructive of

equal representation. I have seen so much evil from the borough-mongering system of England, that I shrink with dread from any thing which may be supposed to endanger the fair and full expression of the public will, as must be the case when the right of nomination is assumed by a few political leaders, instead of being most carefully preserved by the whole of the people. In the present instance, the danger may be more imaginary than real, at least while property is so generally possessed, and so equally divided in these states; but in this country, the only asylum of freedom in the world, whatever may be supposed to endanger her safety, should be guarded against, or averted, with the most jealous care; and we should remember how often the liberty of the people has been destroyed by those who assumed the character of its most devoted supporters. In this country there appears to be no danger from any open attack. It is not the impulse of the battering-ram, but the insidious approach of the miner that is to be feared.

Politicians have apprehended much danger to the permanency of the general government of this country, from the jealousy and power of the individual states composing the confederacy; but this is lessened every day, by the rapidity with which new states are formed, and added to the Union, and which have the effect of rendering the whole more and more powerful in proportion to the number of its fractional parts. Among any consider

able number of these it is not easy to form a coalition of interests in opposition to the rest. The danger of disunion is passed. The eastern states, which formerly exhibited some instances of local jealousies, in opposition to the general government, appear now to be willing to place their pride in the combined strength of the whole, and to view the increase of states, which I think amount to twentyone, as an augmentation of their individual security. In proportion to the number of parts of which the Union is composed, will the danger of opposition from any of them be lessened; and it is probable, that this march to power will be bounded only by the Pacific Ocean, on the shores of which a colony is already planted, and a line of connexion, by a chain of strong military posts across the Continent, about to be established. Should not Great Britain look with exultation at the gigantic growth of her offspring-at the extent to which her language and her code of laws are carried by Anglo-Americans!

LETTER XIV.

Remarks on Birkbeck's Letters.

SINCE writing my last, I have seen a late work by Mr. Birkbeck, entitled " Letters from Illinois.” I have read it with attention, and find much in it to

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confirm the satisfaction with which I contemplate our settlement.

There appears to be a great inequality of fertility in the western states, a natural consequence of what I have mentioned, the washing of the rains robbing the hills of their soil, and depositing it on the river flats. He says, 66 we found nothing attractive 66 on the eastern side of Indiana; the situations to "the south, on the Ohio river, bounding that state, "were so well culled, as to be in the predicament "above described; offering no room for us, without

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great sacrifices of money and society. The west"ern side of Indiana, on the banks of the Wabash, "is liable to the same and other objections. The "northern part of Indiana is still in possession of "the Indians." And in the state of Ohio he observes, we must have paid from twenty to fifty "dollars per acre for land, which is technically "called improved, but is in fact deteriorated; or "have purchased at an advance of 1,000 or 1,500 per cent. unimproved land from speculators; and "in either case, should have laboured under the in"convenience of settling detached from society of "our own choice, and without the advantage of "choice as to soil or situatation. We saw many eligible sites and fine tracts of country; but these were precisely the tracts which had secured the “ attachment of their possessors."

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These circumstances, therefore, which appear to be of sufficient weight, induced Mr. B. to seek a

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