other wretches! Who will believe it? Spain is the only land. to which they can turn their eyes; but Spain has her own foes to trouble her, and the demon of slavery lurks within her own confines. Where, then, will they look for sympathy, and whither will they fly for aid? (Hear.) The moment when the American union is dis solved, that instant the power of the slave-holder is prostrated in the dust. Hopeless, helpless, friendless, they become an isolated class of beings, having nothing to depend on but their own strength, and that is weakness indeed. Then will rouse the crushed worm, turning on its torturer, and, in the fierce indignation of outraged men, the slaves will demand the right of measuring arms with their masters. [Immense cheering.] I do not think I shall myself live to see that day, but that such would be the effect of a dissolution of the American union 1 feel confidently assured, (hear.) Where is the man, who, if asked to become a slave, would not hurl back the offer indignantly in the teeth of the oppressor? Nay, where is the woman-where the child? The slaves of the United States are men, women, and children; and that they are as worthy this appellation, nay, worthier, perhaps, than the denizens of more favored lands, is amply testified by their patient and enduring conduct under contumely and outrage, for they, like yourselves, have preferred rather to suffer wrong, than to do wrong.Speech at Dublin. SAMUEL E. CORNISH, AND THEODORE S. WRIGHT. The Colonization society was scarcely known to have been or. ganized, before its object was protested against, in a public meeting of the free colored people of Richmond, Va. Not long after, (in August, 1817,) the largest meeting ever yet held of the colored people of the free states the number being computed at 3000-came together in Philadelphia, to consider the colonization scheme. Mr. James Forten, a man distinguished not only for his wealth and successful industry, but for his sufferings in the revolutionary war, presided at its deliberations. After ample time allowed for duly considering every benefit which colonization held out to the colored people, there was not a single voice in that vast assembly which was not raised for its decisive, thorough condemnation. Meetings of a similar kind were held in Washington city, in Baltimore, New-York, Providence, Boston,-indeed, in all the cities, and in most of the large towns, throughout the free states. The abhorrence which was generally expressed of the whole scheme proved, that those to whose acceptance it was offered regarded it but as little more merciful than death. From the earliest period of those public meetings up to this time, we fearlessly assert, that no credible testimony can be adduced, showing, that there has been any abatement in the repugnance of the colored people to colonization. In January, 1839, a large public meeting was held in this city, at which the following expression of sentiment was unanimously given: 6 "Whereas, we, the people of color, citizens of New York, feel and know that the American Colonization society' is the source whence proceed most of the various proscriptions and oppressions under which we groan and suffer;-and believing, that the most efficient remedy we can apply, is, to reiterate the sentiments which we have, at all times and places, heretofore entertained and expressed-thereby showing, that our present opposition is not of late origin, but of as long stand. ing as the existence of the scheme itself; and believing also, that when our opinions are known, the blighting influences of that unhallowed offspring of slavery cannot so successfully be exercised against us :-we therefore, in solemn meeting assembled, do deliberately and unanimously enter our protest against the whole scheme." The colonization scheme was set on foot, and is yet maintained by slave-holders, with the view, as they have not been backward to declare, of perpetuating their system of slavery, undisturbed. From the first, no very high expectations seem to have been entertained, that an enterprise, so unnecessary, so unnatural, so condemned by the most elemental truths of political economy, so profitless, so peril. ous, bearing about it so little of hope, so much of despair, would commend itself strongly to that class of the community to which it purported solely to be addressed. But little reliance appears to have been placed on obtaining their voluntary consent to exchange for the fens and morasses of barbarous and heathen Africa, this, the country of their fathers for generations, and of their own nativity-where land was abundant and cheap-where labor was in demand and its rewards sure--where education could be obtained, albeit, for the most part, with difficulty-where the common ordinances of religion, as well as its higher institutions were established-where every interest had the promise of advancement-and where, notwithstanding they were called to suffer many ills brought on them by others, they might yet live in hope, that the dark cloud of slavery which had so long obscured the free principles asserted by our governments, would one day pass away and permit these principles to shine in all their warmth and effulgence, if not on themselves, on no very distant generation of their descendants. Whatever individual exceptions there may exist among slave-holders on the score of goodness and gentleness, yet as an embodied interest, they know no retiring ebb when moving upon objects connected with their atrocious system. The political history of the country, from the time when South Carolina and Georgia refused to enter the union, unless the traffic in human flesh should be secured to them for twenty years, proves this. Their struggle and their triumph on the Missouri question proves this. Their fierce onset-guilefully laid aside, not abandoned-to add Texas to our territory, with the audaciously avowed purpose of strengthening and perpetuating the slave-system, proves this. Prejudice! What is it? Lexicographers tells us, it is a decision of the mind formed without due examination of the facts or arguments which are necessary to a just and impartial determination. And prejudice against color! What does this mean? You who are sensible-learned men. Pray, instruct us in this mystery of slave. holding philosophy-scarcely spoken of in Britain, wholly unknown and unfelt among the learned, the wise, the refined of France and the other nations of Europe. Can prejudice exist against that which has in it nothing of the moral or the intellectual? Is it a down right absurdity to say of men, that they are prejudiced against sound or sight against the earth, or the sea, or the air, or light? And is it a less one to say, that they are prejudiced against color? But an existing state of things does not imply, that it is to be per. manent, much less perpetual. Not very long ago, throughout Eu. rope, there was a strong prejudice existing against the Jews. In many respects, they were as evil-entreated as we are. They were not unfrequently banished from the countries in which they were born and brought up. Their persecutors had all the advantage of the argument based on existing" prejudice: and it is no means unlikely, that the most religious of them may have advanced it, out of pure compassion to these unhappy people, and in order to reconcile to their own consciences what, without some pretext of good, would have appeared an act of injustice and cruelty. But this prejudice against the Jews shows no signs of perpetuating itself. It is rapidly giving way before the influence of a religious and philosophical age; the Jews are fast acquiring civil privileges; are aspiring to a higher tone of character and morals, and beginning to be esteemed, as other men are, according to their merits. But in what light are their persecutors viewed? Either as exceedingly wicked or foolish, and often both. Besides, where are the proofs of warin regard for our happiness on the part of colonizationists? Have they aided and encouraged us in the education of our children? No! They say we ought not to be encouraged to this, because it would induce us to remain here. Have they sought to secure to us those political and civil privileges and rights, without which, in their own case, they would look on them. selves as grievously oppressed? No! They say our present disa. bilities " ought to be maintained in all their rigor." Have they pe riled for us their lives, or their persons, or their reputations, or their property? If so, say when,-where. Have they protected and comforted us when assailed by the most brutal persecutions? Tell us the occasions; we can recall none such. Have they once rebuked the slave-holder, our envenomed enemy, for his pitiless oppression of our brethren? No! But they have made of him an ally in the work of benevolence projected for us,-and to show him with what entire good faith they intend to perform their part of the covenant, they have united with him in proclaiming to the world, that we are "of all descriptions of our population the most corrupt, depraved and aban. doned."-Colonization considered. JAMES FORTEN. Our venerable and beloved James Forten died on the 4th March, 1842. The vast concourse of people, of all classes and complexions, numbering from three to five thousand, that followed his remains to the grave, bore testimony to the estimation in which he was universally held. Our wealthiest and most influential citizens joined in the procession; and complexional distinctions and prejudices seemed, for the time, to be forgotten, in the desire to pay the last tribute of respect to the memory of departed worth. The minister, Mr. Douglass, a well educated man of color, dwelt very appropriately upon the solemn occasion of their assembly. In estimating some of the most striking features of his character, his wide-reaching benevolence was first mentioned. Every effort to meliorate man's condition, found in James Forten a warm supporter. If he felt a deeper interest in the anti-slavery and temperance efforts, than in others, it was because they involved the interests and destinies of our unoffending, but persecuted class, with which he was particularly identified. His opposition to slavery, and zeal in the cause of human liberty, never tired or diminished. He felt it to be a duty and a pleasure to give his warm and liberal support to that band of self-sacrificing men, that had organized to labor for the redemption of his brethren in bonds. Just before speech failed him, he desired his love to be given to Mr. Garrison, and all his abolition friends. He sustained the temperance reform, not only for the vast good it was accomplishing to all, but because it promised to lift up many of his own brethren from their degradation, and take out of the mouths of the enemies of liberty their objections to the colored man's freedom.-J. MILLER McKIM. JACOB OSON. I would have those propagators to suppose themselves in foreign lands, of strange tongues, without a record of their forefathers, stolen away when young and never knew even their father. Put to hard labor with scanty meals and a driver over them with his lash, and nothing for their labor, and taught that they were nothing, nor ever could be any thing but vagabond slaves, and kept in this state from generation to generation. How would they appear in four hundred years?-perhaps as tarnished as we are, perhaps their craniums might somewhat be resembling the ape. But be that as it may, they would be as rough as marble before it came to the polishers' hands. Now what can such arguers think? Would they not say if they were oppressed and made tributary that all men were created equal and by their Creator were endowed with certain unalienable rights, life and liberty; would they not say that God made of one blood all nations to dwell on the earth, and that he was no respecter of persons? |