AN APPENDAGE.

[Although the names of many assiduous lecturers and laborers in the righteous cause, have, from want of space been omitted in this Legion of Liberty, and but a page or paragraph been allowed even to those who have written voluminously, yet, at the suggestion of a devoted advocate of freedom and justice the views and feelings of about a dozen of the leaders of the slaves of slavery are admitted as an example. These sentiments will be found worthy of their source, and to corroborate the character of the slave system and its fruits as exhibited by the previous works of the friends of liberty and humanity, with which they strongly contrast.]

B. WATKINS LEIGH.

Power and property may be separated for a time by force or fraud, but divorced, never. For so soon as the pang of separation is felt, if there be truth in history-if there be any certainty in the experience of ages-if all pretensions to a knowledge of the human heart be not vanity and folly-property will purchase power, and power will take property.

Sir, the true and peculiar advantage of the principle of represen tative government is, that it holds government absolutely dependent on individual property, which gives the owner of property an interest to watch the government-that it puts the purse-strings in the hands of its owners.

In every civilized country under the sun, some there must be who labor for their daily bread, either by contract with, or subjection to others, or for themselves.-Slaves in the eastern part of the state fill the place of the peasantry of Europe-of the peasantry or day la. borers of the non-slave-holding states of the Union. The denser the - population, the more numerous this class will be. Even in the present state of the population beyond the Allegany, there must be some peasantry, and as the country fills up, there must be more, that is, men who tend the herds and dig the soil-who have neither real nor personal capital of their own, and who earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow. They (by this scheme) are all to be represented, but none of our slaves. And yet, in political economy, the latter fill exactly the same place. Slaves indeed are not, nor ever will be, comparable to the hardy peasantry of the mountains, in intellectual power, in moral worth, in all that determines man's degree in the moral scale and raises him above the brute. I beg pardon-his Maker placed him above the brute-above the savage-above that wretched state, of which the only comfort is the natural rights of man. I have as sincere feelings of regard for that people as any man who lives among them. But I ask gentle. men to say, whether they believe that those who depend on their daily labor for their daily subsistence, can, or do ever enter into political affairs? They never do-never will-never can.-Speech in Virginia Convention, 1829.

F. W. PICKENS.

"All society settles down into a classification of capitalists and laborers. The former will own the latter, either collectively through the government, or individually in a state of domestic servitude as exists in the Southern States of this confederacy. If laborers ever obtain the political power of a country, it is in fact in a state of revolution. The capitalists north of Mason and Dixon's line, have precisely the same interests in the labor of the country that the capitalists of England have in their labor. Hence it is, that they must have a strong federal government (!) to control the labor of the nation. But it is precisely the reverse with us. We have already not only a right to the proceeds of our laborers, but we own a class of laborers themselves. But let me say to gentlemen who represent the great class of capitalists in the north, beware that you do not drive us into a separate system, for if you do, as certain as the decrees of heaven, you will be compelled to appeal to the sword to maintain yourselves at home. It may not come in your day; but your children's children will be covered with the blood of domestic factions, and a plundering mob contending for power and conquest." -Pickens of South Carolina in Congress, 21st Jan., 1837.

CHANCELLOR HARPER.

"Would you do a benefit to the horse or the ox by giving him a cultivated understanding, a fine feeling? So far as the mere laborer has the pride, the knowledge or the aspiration of a freeman, he is unfitted for his situation. If there are sordid, servile labori ous offices to be performed, is it not better that there should be sordid, servile laborious beings to perform them?

"Odium has been cast upon our legislation on account of its forbidding the elements of education being communicated to slaves. But in truth what injury is done them by this? He who works during the day with his hands, does not read in the intervals of leisure for his amusement, or the improvement of his mind, or the excep. tion is so very rare as scarcely to need the being provided for." -Southern Lit. Messenger.

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Is there any thing in the principles and opinions of the other party, the great democratic rabble as it has been justly called, which should induce us to identify ourselves with that? Here you may find every possible grade and hue of opinion which has ever existed in the country. Here you may find loafer and loco foco and agra. rian, and all the rabble of the city of New-York, the most corrupt and depraved of rabbles, and which controls, in a great degree the city itself, and through that as being the commercial metropolis, exercises much influence over the state at large.

"What are the essential principles of democracy as distinguished from republicanism? The first consists in the dogma so portentcous to us of the natural equality and unalienable right to liberty of every human being. Our allies (!) no doubt, are willing at present to modify the doctrine in our favor. But the spirit of democracy at

large makes no such exceptions, nor will these (our allies, the northern democrats) continue to make it longer than necessity or interest may require. The second consists in the doctrine of the divine right of majorities; a doctrine not less false, and slavish, and absurd than the ancient one of the divine right of kings."-Speech July 4, 1840.

ROBERT WICKLIFFE.

"Gentlemen wanted to drive out the black population that they may obtain white negroes in their place. While negroes have this advantage over black negroes, they can be converted into voters; and the men who live upon the sweat of their brow, and pay them but a dependent and scanty subsistence, can, if able to keep ten thousand of them in employment, come up to the polls and change the destiny of the country.

"How improved will be our condition when we have such white negroes as perform the servile labors of Europe, of Old England, and he would add now of New England, when our body servants and our cart drivers, and our street sweepers, are white negroes instead of black. Where will be the independence, the proud spirit, and the chivalry of the Kentuckians then?"-Speech in Kentucky. [Had the gentleman looked across the river, he might have found an answer to his question, in the wealth, power, and happiness of Ohio.-A. S. Reporter.]

GEORGE MCDUFFIE.

It is my deliberate opinion, that the laws of every community should publish this species of interference by death without benefit of clergy.* No humane institution, in my opinion, is more manifestly consistent with the will of God than domestic slavery. If we look into the elements of which all political communities are composed, it will be found that servitude in some form, is one of the essential constituents. . . In the very nature of things, there must be classes of persons to discharge all the different offices of society, from the highest to the lowest... Where these offices are performed by members of the political community, a dangerous element is ob. viously introduced by the body politic. Hence, the alarming tendency to violate the rights of property by agrarian legislation, which is beginning to be manifest in the older states, where universal suf. frage prevails without domestic slavery; a tendency that will increase in the progress of society, with the increasing inequality of domestic slavery, supersedes the necessity of an order of nobility, and all the other appendages of a hereditary system of government. Domestic slavery, therefore, instead of being an evil, is the corner stone of our republican edifice. No patriot, who justly estimates our privileges, will tolerate the idea of emancipation at any period however remote, or on any condition of pecuniary advantage, however favourable. I would as soon think of opening a negotiation for selling the liberties of the state at once, as for making any stiou