upon the face of God's earth; and yet actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure, com pared with those they suffered in their own country, from the hands of those who should have been their friends.

They nourished by your indulgence? They grew by your neglect of them. As soon as you began to take care of them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule them in one department and another, who were deputies of deputies to some members of this house, sent to prey upon them; men, whose behaviour on many occasions, has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within them; men promoted to the highest seats of justice, some, to my knowledge, were glad by going to a foreign country, to escape being brought to a bar of justice in their own.

They protected by your arms! They have nobly taken up arms in your defence; have exerted their valor amidst their constant and laborious industry, for the defence of a country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emolument.

And believe me, that same spirit of freedom which actuated that people at first, will accompany them still. But prudence forbids me to explain myself further.

God knows, I do not, at this time, speak from party heat. However superior to me, in general knowledge and experience, the respectable body of this house may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant in that country. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if ever they should be violated-but the subject is too delicate-I will say no more.'

For this unpremeditated appeal, pronounced with an energy and an eloquence fitted to the high occasion, the house was not prepared. For some minutes, the members remained motionloss, as if petrified by surprise. But the opposition at length rallied. Their pride could not allow of retreat. The measure was again urged, the question was taken, and the bill adopted.

No act of the British government could have been more impolitic, and none ever excited, in the colonies, a more universal alarm. It gave birth to feelings, which could never be suppressed, and aroused those intestine commotions in America, which, after kindling a civil war, and involving all Europe in its calamities, terminated in the total disjunction from the British empire, of one of its fairest portions.

After the arrival of the news that the stamp act had been adopted in parliament, the first public body that met was the assembly of Virginia. Towards the close of the session, about the last of May, the following resolutions were introduced into the house of burgesses, by Patrick Henry; a lawyer, at that time a young man, but highly distinguished for the strength of his ntellect, and the power of his eloquence.

'Resolved, that the first adventurers and settlers of this his majesty's colony and dominions of Virginia, brought with them, and transmitted to their posterity, and all others his majesty's subjects, since inhabiting in this his majesty's colony, all the privileges and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed and possessed, by the people of Great Britain.

Resolved, that by the two royal charters granted by king James I. the colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all privileges of faithful, liege, and natural born subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the realms of England.

Resolved, that his majesty's most liege people of this his most ancient colony, have enjoyed the right of being thus governed by their own authority, in the article of taxes and internal police, and that the same have never been forfeited, nor any other way yielded up, but have been constantly recognised by the king and people of Great Britain.

Resolved, therefore, that the general assembly of this colony, together with his majesty, or his substitute, have, in their representative capacity, the only exclusive right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants of the colony; and that any attempt to vest such a power in any person or persons whatever, other than the general assembly aforesaid, is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust; and has a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as American freedom.'

The above resolutions were received with enthusiasm, and responded to by most of the other colonies, among which was that of Delaware.

"Before these resolutions had reached Massachusetts, the house of representatives of that colony had declared the expediency of a congress, composed of commissioners from the several colonies, 'to consult together on the present circumstances of the colonies;-the acts of parliament laying duties and taxes upon them; and to consider of a general and humble address to his majesty and the parliament for relief.'

The measure thus proposed by Massachusetts, on being communicated to the several colonies, was received with cordial approbation by most of them; and on the 7th of October, 1765, commissioners from the colonies of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina, met at New York, on the important and responsible business assigned them.

This congress, the first that was ever held in America published, as the result of their deliberation, a declaration of the rights and grievances of the colonists; and agreed upon a memorial to the house of lords, and a petition to the king and commons.

In their declaration, they acknowledged their allegiance to his majesty, and their willingness to render due honor to the rightful authority of parliament; but they claimed that they had interests, rights, and liberties, as the natural born subjects of his majesty, and

that, as they could not be represented in parliament, that body had no right to impose taxes upon them without their consent. They declared the stamp act, and other acts of parliament, 'to have a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of the colonists."

This general manifestation of public feeling in the colonies, produced the speedy repeal of the stamp act; but in 1767, an act of parliament was passed, imposing duties in the colonies upon tea, paper, painter's colors, and glass, which excited anew their apprehensions and compelled them to adopt measures to render it inoperative. Accordingly, the people of Delaware, in common with those of the other colonies, entered into an agreement among themselves, not to import from the mother country, any of the articles upon which duties were thus imposed. The agreement generally adopted in Delaware, after stating in energetic language. the grievances which compelled them to co-operate with their fellow colonists, in the measures best calculated to invite or enforce redress, was in the following words:

"First, That from and after this date we will not import into any part of America any goods, wares or merchandize, whatsoever, from any part of Great Britain, contrary to the spirit and intention of the agreement of the merchants of the city of Philadelphia. "Second, That we never will have any dealing, commerce, or intercourse whatever, with any man residing in any part of the British dominions, who shall, for lucre or any other purpose, import into any part of America any article contrary to the said agreement. "Thirdly, That any one of us who shall wilfully break this agreement, shall have his name published in the public newspapers, as a betrayer of the civil rights of Americans, and be forever after deemed infamous, and a betrayer of his country."

The difficulties between the mother country and her colonies, became greater and greater; and the determined opposition of the latter to the unjust laws of the former, had no other effect than to exasperate and cause them to resort to measures of coercion, to enforce implicit obedience to their mandates. The destruction of the tea in Boston, the circumstances attending which are too well known to be here repeated, caused to be passed, the "Boston Port bill," in March 1774, which prohibited the landing or shipping of any goods at that port, after the first of June following.

"On the arrival of the Boston port bill, which was brought over by a new governor, general Gage, the citizens of Boston, in an assembly which was convened to consider the subject, declared, 'that the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, exceeded all their powers of expression; and, therefore,' said they, 'we leave it to the consciences of others, and appeal to God and the world.' At the same time they adopted the following resolution: "That if the other colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all importa

tions from, and exportations to Great Britain, and every part of the West Indies, till the act be repealed, the same would prove the salvation of North America and her liberties.'

Copies of these proceedings were immediately circulated through the colonies. A universal sympathy for the inhabitants of Boston was expressed. In Virginia, this sympathy was manifested by the house of burgesses, in the observance of the 1st of June, the day the port of Boston was to be shut, as a 'day of fasting, humiliation and prayer.'

Arrangements having been made for the meeting of the second continental congress, on the 5th of September 1774, that body assembled at Philadelphia. All the colonies were represented, except Georgia. Peyton Randolph, a delegate from Virginia, was elected president, and Charles Thompson, a citizen of Philadelphia, was chosen secretary.

The attention of this celebrated congress was at an early date turned towards the province of Massachusetts, and the city of Boston; and the following resolutions were adopted, expressive of the sympathy they felt for that colony, in its distress, and the high sense which the congress entertained of the wisdom and fortitude which the colony exhibited. This assembly deeply feels the sufferings of their countrymen in the Massachusetts Bay, under the operation of the late unjust, cruel, and oppressive acts of the British parliament; at the same time, they most thoroughly approve the wisdom and fortitude with which opposition to these wicked ministerial measures has hitherto been conducted; and they earnestly recommend to their brethren a perseverance in the same firm and temperate conduct, trusting that the effect of the united efforts of North America, in their behalf, will carry such conviction to the British nation, of the unwise, unjust, and ruinous policy of the present administration, as quickly to introduce better men and wiser measures.""

The delegates on the part of Delaware to this congress, were George Read, Cæsar Rodney and Thomas M'Kean. They were elected by the assembly on the first of August 1774, and took their seats in the September following.

Notwithstanding the exposed situation of Delaware, on account of her maritime border, open to the incursions of her powerful enemy through the whole extent of her territory; her citizens were among the first to hazard every loss and danger in defence of the common rights of the colonies. Accordingly her delegates agreed to, and signed the declaration of independence; and her citizens received the news of the final act of separation with joyful acclamations. True, there were some, as there was every where else, who through fear for the consequences, or a spirit of loyalty to England, were opposed to the measure, but we think we hazard little in saying, that in proportion to her means, Delaware furnished for the doubtful struggle which followed, as great if not a greater proportion of men and money than any other State of the union. Of the

important standing of Delaware in the revolutionary war, we intend to treat in our next chapter.

After the declaration of independence had been thus adopted, the people of Delaware proceeded immediately to organize their laws and government, in accordance with the principles therein promulgated. And as the first constitution of the State, is among the very first of the union, with a view of placing before our readers, the notions of our statesmen of that day, in regard to the fundamental principles of free government, we place it before them.

The constitution or system of government, agreed to and resolved upon by the representatives in full convention of the Delaware State, formerly styled the government of the counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex, upon Delaware, the said representatives being chosen by the freemen of the said State for that express purpose.

ART. 1. The government of the counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex, upon Delaware, shall hereafter in all public and other writings be called, The Delaware State.

ART. 2. The legislature shall be formed of two distinct branches: they shall meet once or oftener in every year, and shall be called, The General Assembly of Delaware.

ART. 3. One of the branches of the legislature shall be called, The House of Assembly, and shall consist of seven representatives, to be chosen for each county annually of such persons as are freeholders of the same.

ART. 4. The other branch shall be called, The Council, and consist of nine members, three to be chosen for each county at the time of the first election of the assembly, who shall be freeholders of the county for which they are chosen, and be upwards of twenty-five years of age. At the end of one year after the general election, the counsellor who had the smallest number of votes in each county shall be displaced, and the vacancies thereby occasioned supplied by the freemen of each county choosing the same or another person at a new election in manner aforesaid. At the end of two years after the first general election, the counsellor who stood second in number of votes in cach county shall be displaced, and the vacancies thereby occasioned supplied by a new election in manner aforesaid. And at the end of three years from the first general election, the counsellor who had the greatest number of votes in each county shall be displaced, and the vacancies thereby occasioned supplied by a new election in manner aforesaid. And this rotation of a counsellor being displaced at the end of three years in each county and his office supplied by a new choice shall be continued afterwards in due order annually forever, whereby, after the first general election, a counsellor will remain in trust for three years from the time of his being elected, and a counsellor will be displaced, and the same or another chosen in each county at every election.