to all other princes. In this lies his power. He exercises his office by virtue of his authority; he corresponds with all the world; he prays; he protects, without needing protection, because the Italian kingdom is his shield. Consequently, no earthly weapon can reach him, and the outrages inflicted upon Boniface VIII. cannot be repeated.

Catholics should be grateful to Italy for the services which we have rendered to the Roman Pontiff. Before September 20th, 1870, he was obliged to bow before the princes of the earth, and concordats were concessions of divine rights made to the prejudice of the Church. It was only when relieved of his temporal dominion that Pius IX. could cope with Bismarck and make that man of iron feel the power of spiritual arms. this is our handiwork, the work of our Parliament and our King, and we are proud of the achievement. I will say more; it was the will of God, because the Almighty willed that Italy should gather her provinces together and become an equal of other nations.

All

We regret to say that those who oppose this evident will of the Creator call themselves his ministers on earth, but they will not prevail, because Italy is strong and self-reliant and will crush any effort at revolution. These men will not prevail, and perhaps they may grow wiser. They are aware that so long as they keep within lawful bounds and do not infringe the law, they are inviolable. But they ought to remember that if they rebel, if they revile their country and attack our national institutions, they will lose all the benefits which they have secured by our law of guarantees, which was granted to religion and for religion, and not for the personal advantage of any man. They know, or ought to know, that by inciting others to break the law they would help Anarchism, which denies both God and King, and they would not escape punishment.

SOCIALISM AND DISCONTENT

(From a Speech Occasioned by the Revolutionary Outbreaks in Sicily)

W*

E HAVE before us a great social problem and one that must be solved. Not the problem which agitators love to pour out before an excited mob, advocating community of goods, the abolition of trustees, the destruction of all lawful

rights of ownership. To-day the right of spoliation is being dignified to the rank of a science; but none the less when attempts are made to realize such theories as I have referred to, a close approach is made to the domain of crime.

A favorite field with the agitator is the island of Sicily, but the field is ill chosen, for there the sentiments of life and property are strongly rooted. Glance at the scenes of our recent riots and you will not be able to say that they were caused by distress. In the Province of Trapani and in the communes of Palermo, where the riots were fiercest, the conditions of the people are unusually good. There are few large estates in the district, and land is distributed in small holdings among an industrious peasantry. The outbreaks in Sicily were the result of a wellorganized conspiracy and the effects would have been even more dire had not a vigilant government taken wise precautions.

The country is thickly sown with socialistic clubs, which are well known as Fasci dei Lavoratori. Originally they seemed to be harmless organizations created for benevolent objects. A year later, in 1892, the National Exposition was held in Palermo. Far too promising to neglect was this opportunity for disseminating pernicious doctrines, and agitators from the mainland flocked to the island and took contagion with them. From that time onward, by means of congresses and other incitements from revolutionaries who lived abroad, the real organization of the Fasci dei Lavoratori as revolutionary societies began. The Fasci numbered one hundred and sixty-six and had two hundred and eighty-nine thousand members. The chiefs declared that they had no trust in the labors of Parliament, but put their confidence in revolution. This was made manifest by passages in letters which had been seized.

Unpatriotic, as revolutionists of this type are sure to be, they had endeavored to come to an understanding with clerical societies in Italy and elsewhere, and of this also we have the clearest proof. Finally, a meeting was held in Marseilles, and there it was decided that the "New Garibaldi of Anarchy" should go to Palermo.

It had been determined to rise in insurrection about the middle of February, but fearing that the government had been warned it was decided to anticipate the date originally fixed and there was a Fourth of April in which neither the "New Garibaldi » nor any of his friends took any part. The peasants had

been promised that during this year lands would be divided evenly among them, and the conspirators had planned to bring about a war by the help of Russia to which country it was intended to cede a port.

If you would understand the character of the movement, listen to this proclamation published in one commune. It describes the working classes as "Children of the Vespers," and closes with these words:

"Do you sleep? Hasten to the prison to rescue your brethren. Death to the King. Death to employers. Down with taxes. Burn the mayoralty. Burn the Civilians' Club. Long live the Fascio. When the bells ring let us rush to the castle, for all is ready for liberty. Listen for the signal."

In the province of Massa Carrara the revolution burst forth in its worst forms. There as in Sicily martial law had to be proclaimed.

The conditions in Sicily are precisely the same as those in the balance of Italy and the social laws which apply to the working classes on the mainland must apply to those on the island. The resources of Sicily are so great that the government desires to make use of them in repurchasing the latifundia, which it would divide among the people and so put an end to the injustices of the communal administrations, especially in regard to *ithes. Concerning this we propose to ask for a magistrate specially detailed to readjust the rates.

Italy must consolidate and fortify herself, and for this, time and labor are still necessary. I ask you, therefore, to follow me in my program. Let us cleave to the King-the symbol of unity, the ark of salvation. I say now as I said in 1864, that the Monarchy alone guarantees unity and the future of the country. With this faith, which is the faith of the country, we must ward off dangers, oppose internal and external enemies, and carry Italy to the greatness to which we have aspired and without which she cannot exist.

1472

JOHN JORDAN CRITTENDEN

(1787-1863)

OHN J. CRITTENDEN represented, from 1850 to his death in 1863, the strong Union sentiment of the border States. He ranks with B. Gratz Brown and Frank P. Blair among the leaders of the determined band of Unionists who prevented Kentucky and Missouri from following their natural bent towards the Confederacy. His instincts, however, like those of Henry Clay, were conservative, and by the Crittenden Compromise of 1860-61, as well as by his work in the Peace Commission of 1861, which he was largely instrumental in organizing, he labored ineffectually to bring about reconciliation between the opposing sections. He was born in Woodford County, Kentucky, September 10th, 1787. A graduate of William and Mary College, he made a military record during the War of 1812, and thereafter held his position in public life securely until his death, July 26th, 1863. He was elected to the Kentucky legislature in 1816, and in 1817 was promoted to the United States Senate. He was Attorney-General under Harrison and Tyler, and in 1842 was again elected to the Senate. From 1848 to 1850 he served as Governor of Kentucky, leaving that office to become Attorney-General in the Cabinet of President Fillmore. Returning once more to the Senate in 1855, he served until 1861, when, the Whig party being now completely disorganized, he was elected a Member of the House of Representatives as a Unionist. His eulogy of Henry Clay is generally presented as the most representative of his many striking public speeches, but it scarcely equals, either in the dignity or the force of its eloquence, his speech of February 15th, 1859, delivered in the Senate, against the proposed acquisition of Cuba.

I

HENRY CLAY AND THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY SPIRIT

(Delivered in 1852)

AM to address you in commemoration of the public services of Henry Clay, and in celebration of his obsequies. His death filled his whole country with mourning, and the loss of no citizen, save the Father of his Country, has ever produced such manifestations of the grief and homage of the public heart. His

history has indeed been read "in a nation's eyes." A nation's tears proclaim, with their silent eloquence, its sense of the national loss. Kentucky has more than a common share in this national bereavement. To her it is a domestic grief;-to her belongs the sad privilege of being the chief mourner. He was

her favorite son, her pride, and her glory. She mourns for him as a mother. But let her not mourn as those who have no hope nor consolation. She can find the richest and noblest solace in the memory of her son, and of his great and good actions; and his fame will come back, like a comforter, from his grave, to wipe away her tears. Even while she weeps for him, her tears shall be mingled with the proud feelings of triumph which his name will inspire; and Old Kentucky, from the depths of her affectionate and heroic heart, shall exclaim, like the Duke of Ormond, when informed that his brave son had fallen in battle, "I would not exchange my dead son for any living son in Christendom. » From these same abundant sources we may hope that the widowed partner of his life, who now sits in sadness at Ashland, will derive some pleasing consolations. I presume not to offer any words of comfort of my own. Her grief is too sacred to permit me to use that privilege.

Henry Clay lived in a most eventful period, and the history of his life for forty years has been literally that of his country. He was so identified with the Government for more than twothirds of its existence, that, during that time, hardly any act which has redounded to its honor, its prosperity, or its present rank among the nations of the earth, can be spoken of without calling to mind involuntarily the lineaments of his noble person. It would be difficult to determine whether in peace or in war, in the field of legislation or of diplomacy, in the springtide of his life or in its golden ebb, he won the highest honor. It can be no disparagement to any one of his contemporaries to say that, in all the points of practical statesmanship, he encountered no superior in any of the employments which his constituents or his country conferred upon him.

Henry Clay was indebted to no adventitious circumstances for the success and glory of his life. Sprung from a humble stock, "he was fashioned to much honor from his cradle "; and he achieved it by the noble use of the means which God and Nature had given him. He was no scholar, and had none of the advantages of collegiate education. But there was a "divinity that