that cause for those jealousies and prejudices which one part of the Union had imbibed against another part. Of course, sentiments of more liberality in the general policy of the country would result from it. What but the mixing of people from different parts of the United States during the war rubbed off these impressions? A century, in the ordinary intercourse, would not have accomplished what the seven years' association in arms did; but that ceasing, prejudices are beginning to revive again, and never will be eradicated so effectually by any other means as the intimate intercourse of characters in early life who, in all probability, will be at the head of the counsels of this country in a more advanced stage of it.

To show that this is no new idea of mine, I may appeal to my early communications to Congress; and to prove how seriously I have reflected on it since and how well disposed I have been, and still am, to contribute my aid toward carrying the measure into effect, I inclose you the extract of a letter from me to the governor of Virginia on this subject and a copy of the resolves of the legislature of that State in consequence thereof:

"I have not the smallest doubt that this donation (when the navigation is in complete operation, which it certainly will be in less than two years) will amount to £1,200 to £1,500 sterling a year, and become a rapidly increasing fund. The proprietors of the Federal city have talked of doing something handsome toward it likewise; and if Congress would appropriate some of the western lands to the same uses, funds sufficient and of the most permanent and increasing sort might be so established as to invite the ablest professors in Europe to conduct it.

"Let me pray you, therefore, to introduce a section in the address expressive of these sentiments and recommendatory of the measure, without any mention however of my proposed personal contribution to the plan."-Letter to Alexander Hamilton [private]. Philadelphia, Sept. 1, 1796. Writings, XIII, pp. 266-269. Ford ed. 2. New York and London, 1892.

It is with indescribable regret that I have seen the youth of the United States migrating to foreign countries in order to acquire the higher branches of erudition and to obtain a knowledge of the sciences. Although it would be injustice to many to pronounce the certainty of their imbibing maxims not congenial with republicanism, it must nevertheless be admitted that a serious danger is encountered by sending abroad among other political systems those who have not well learned the value of their own. The time is, therefore, come when a plan of universal education ought to be adopted in the United States. Not only do the exigencies of public and private life demand it, but, if it should ever be apprehended that prejudice

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would be entertained in one part of the Union against another, an efficacious remedy will be to assemble the youth of every part under such circumstances as will, by the freedom of intercourse and collusion of sentiment, give to their minds the direction of truth, philanthrophy, and mutual conciliation.

It has been represented that a university corresponding with these ideas is contemplated to be built in the Federal city, and that it will receive considerable endowments. This position is so eligible from its centrality, so convenient to Virginia, by whose legislature the shares were granted and in which part of the Federal District stands, and combines so many other conveniences that I have determined to vest the Potomac shares in that university.

Presuming it to be more agreeable to the General Assembly of Virginia that the shares in the James River Co. should be reserved for a similar object in some part of that State, I intend to allot them for a seminary to be erected at such place as they shall deem most proper. I am disposed to believe that a seminary of learning upon an enlarged plan but yet not coming up to the full idea of an university is an institution to be preferred for the position which is to be chosen. The students who wish to pursue the whole range of science may pass with advantage from the seminary to the university, and the former by a due relation may be rendered cooperative with the latter.

I can not, however, dissemble my opinion that if all the shares were conferred on an university it would become far more important than when they are divided; and I have been constrained from concentrating them in the same place merely by my anxiety to reconcile a particular attention to Virginia with a great good in which she will abundantly share in common with the rest of the United States. I must beg the favor of your Excellency to lay this letter before that honorable body at their next session, in order that I may appropriate the James River shares to the place which they may prefer. . . . They will at the same time again accept my acknowledgments for the opportunity with which they have favored me of attempting to supply so important a desideratum in the United States as an university adequate to our necessity, and a preparatory seminary. With great consideration and respect, I am, sir, etc.—To Roger Brooke, Governor of Virginia. Philadelphia, 16th March, 1795. Writings, XIII, pp. 52-54.

I had little hesitation in giving the Federal city a preference of all other places for the institution [National University] for the following reasons: First, on account of its being the permanent seat of the Government of this Union, and where the laws and policy of it must be better understood than in any local part thereof; second, because of its centrality; third, because one-half (or near it) of the

District of Columbia is within the Commonwealth of Virginia, and the whole of the State not inconvenient thereto; fourth, because, as a part of the endowment, it would be useful, but alone would be inadequate to the end; fifth, because many advantages, I conceive, would result from the jurisdiction which the General Government will have over it, which no other spot would possess. And, lastly, as this seminary is contemplated for the completion of education and study of the sciences (not for boys in their rudiments), it will afford the students an opportunity of attending the debates in Congress, and thereby becoming more liberally and better acquainted with the principles of law and government.-Letter to Thomas Jefferson. Philadelphia, Mar. 15, 1795. Writings, XIII, p. 49.

A plan for the establishment of an university in the Federal city has frequently been the subject of conversation; but, in what manner it is proposed to commence this important institution, on how extensive a scale, the means by which it is to be effected, how it is to be supported, or what progress is made in it, are matters altogether unknown to me. It has always been a source of serious reflection and sincere regret with me that the youth of the United States should be sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education. Although there are doubtless many, under these circumstances, who escape the danger of contracting principles unfavorable to Republican government, yet we ought to deprecate the hazard attending ardent and susceptible minds from being too strongly and too early prepossessed in favor of other political systems before they are capable of appreciating their own.

For this reason I have greatly wished to see a plan adopted by which the arts, sciences, and belles-lettres could be taught in their fullest extent, thereby embracing all the advantages of European tuition, with the means of acquiring the liberal knowledge which is necessary to qualify our citizens for the exigencies of public as well as private life; and (which with me is a consideration of great magnitude) by assembling the youth from the different parts of this rising Republic, contributing from their intercourse and interchange of information to the removal of prejudices, which might perhaps sometimes arise from local circumstances.

The Federal city, from its centrality and the advantages which in other respects it must have over any other place in the United States, ought to be preferred as a proper site for such an university. And if a plan can be adopted upon a scale as extensive as I have described, and the execution of it should commence under favorable auspices in a reasonable time, with a fair prospect of success, I will grant in perpetuity 50 shares in the navigation of Potomac River toward the endowment of it....-To the Commissioners of the Federal District. Phila., Jan. 28, 1795. Writings, XIII, pp. 36–38.

That a National University in this country is a thing to be desired has always been my decided opinion, and the appropriation of ground and funds for it in the Federal city have long been contemplated and talked of, but how far matured, or how far the transplanting of an entire seminary of foreigners, who may not understand our language, can be assimilated therein is more than I am prepared to give an opinion upon-or, indeed, how far funds in either case are attainable. To John Adams, Nov. 15, 1794. Writings, XII, p. 490. Ford ed. New York and London, 1891. (On the proposition of transplanting the members, entire, of the University of Geneva to America.)

(1735-1826.

JOHN ADAMS.

Statesman; second President of the United States.)

The instruction of the people in every kind of knowledge that can be of use to them in the practice of their moral duties as men, citizens, and Christians, and of their political and civil duties as members of society and freemen, ought to be the care of the public, and of all who have any share in the conduct of its affairs, in a manner that never yet has been practiced in any age or nation. The education here intended is not merely that of the children of the rich and noble, but of every rank and class of people, down to the lowest and poorest. It is not too much to say that schools for the education of all should be placed at convenient distances and maintained at the public expense. The revenues of the State would be applied infinitely better, more charitably, wisely, usefully, and therefore politically in this way than even in maintaining the poor. This would be the best way of preventing the existence of the poor.-Works, VI, p. 168. Charles Francis Adams ed. Boston, 1851.

Laws for the liberal education of youth, especially of the lower classes of people, are so extremely wise and useful that, to a humane and generous mind, no expense for this purpose would be thought extravagant. Thoughts on Government. Works, IV, p. 199.

Adams ed.

Wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused generally among the body of the people, being necessary for the preservation of their rights and liberties, and as these depend on spreading the opportunities and advantages of education in the various parts of the country and among the different orders of the people, it shall be the duty of legislators and magistrates, in all future periods of this Commonwealth, to cherish the interests of literature and the sciences, and all seminaries of them; especially the university at Cambridge, public schools and grammar schools in the towns, etc.—Ibid., IV, p. 259.

It grieves me to hear that your people have a prejudice against liberal education. There is a spice of this everywhere. But liberty has no enemy more dangerous than such a prejudice.-Letter to J. D. Sergeant. Philadelphia, July 21, 1776. Works, IV, p. 425. Adams ed.

Education is more indispensable, and must be more general, under a free government than any other. In a monarchy, the few who are likely to govern must have some education, but the common people must be kept in ignorance; in an aristocracy, the nobles should be educated, but here it is even more necessary that the common people should be ignorant; but in a free government knowledge must be general, and ought to be universal.-Works, VI, p. 198. Adams ed. Wise and judicious modes of education, patronized and supported by communities, will draw together the sons of the rich and the poor, among whom it makes no distinction; it will cultivate the natural genius, elevate the soul, excite laudable emulation to excel in knowledge, piety, and benevolence; and, finally, it will reward its patrons and benefactors by shedding its benign influence on the public mind.-Ibid, p. 425.

Laws for the liberal education of youth, especially of the lower classes of the people, are so extremely wise that to a humane and generous man no expense for this purpose would be thought extravagant.-Ibid., IV, p. 199.

[John Adams has the fame of being the first American statesman to incorporate in a State constitution a provision for public education.]

The whole people must take upon themselves the education of the whole people and must be willing to bear the expense of it. There should not be a district of one mile square without a school in it, not founded by a charitable individual, but maintained at the expense of the people themselves.-Letter to John Jebb. London, Sept. 10, 1785. Works, IV, p. 540. Adams ed.

JAMES WILSON.

(1742-1798. Justice of the United States Supreme Court, 1789-1798.)

Among the ancients, those who studied and practiced the sciences of jurisprudence and government with the greatest success were convinced, and by their conduct showed their conviction, that the fate of States depends on the education of youth.

History, experience, and philosophy combine in declaring that the best and most happy of countries is that country which is the most enlightened.-Works, II, p. 102. Andrews ed. Chicago, 1896.

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