Now, sir, in answer to your question, whether, if any attempt should be made here for repealing the Sacramental Test, it would be likely to succeed? the number of professed dissenters in this parliament was, as I remember, something under a dozen, and I cannot call to mind above 30 others who were expected to fall in with them. This is certain, that the Presbyterian party, having with great industry mustered up their forces, did endeavour one day, upon occasion of a hint in my lord Pembroke's speech, to introduce a debate about repealing the Test clause, when there appeared at least four to one odds against them; and the ablest of those, who were reckoned the most stanch and thorough-paced Whigs upon all other occasions, fell off with an abhorrence at the first mention of this. I must desire you to take notice, that the terms of Whig and Tory do not properly express the different interests in our parliament. I remember, when I was last in England, I told the king, "that the highest Tories we had with us would make tolerable Whigs there." This was certainly right, and still in the general continues so, unless you have since admitted new characteristics which did not come within our definition. Whoever bears a true veneration for the glorious memory of king William, as our great deliverer from Popery and slavery; whoever is firmly loyal to our present queen, with an utter abhorrence and detestation of the pretender; whoever approves the succession to the crown in the house of Hanover, and is for preserving the doctrine and discipline of the church of England, with an indulgence for scrupulous consciences; such a man we think acts upon right principles, and may be justly allowed a Whig and I believe there are not six members in our house of commons who may not fairly come under this description. So that the parties among us are made up, on one side, of moderate Whigs, and, on the other, of Presbyterians and their abettors; by which last I mean such who can equally go to a church or conventicle, or such who are indifferent to all religion in general; or, lastly, such who affect to bear a personal rancour toward the clergy: these last are a set of men not of our own growth, their principles at least have been imported of late years; yet this whole party put together will scarce, am confident, amount to above 50 men in parliament, which can hardly be worked up into a majority of 300. : As to the house of lords, the difficulty there is conceived at least as great as in ours. So many of our temporal peers live in England, that the bishops are generally pretty near a par of the house, and we reckon they will be all to a man against repealing the Test; and yet their lordships are generally thought as good Whigs upon our principles as any in the kingdom. There are indeed a few lay lords who appear to have no great devotion for Episcopacy; and perhaps one or two more, with whom certain powerful motives might be used, for removing any difficulty whatsoever; but these are, in no sort, a number to carry any point against the conjunction of the rest, and the whole bench of bishops. Besides, the whole body of our clergy is utterly against repealing the Test, though they are entirely devoted to her majesty, and hardly 1 in 100 who are not very good Whigs, in our acceptation of the word. And I must let you know that we of Ireland are not yet come up to other folk's refinements, for we generally love and esteem our clergy, and think they deserve it; nay, we are apt to lay some weight upon their opinion, and would not willingly disoblige them, at least unless it were upon some greater point of interest than this. And their judgment in the present affair is the more to be regarded, because they are the last persons who will be affected by it: this makes us think them im partial, and that their concern is only for religion and the interest of the kingdom. Because the act which repeals the Test will only qualify a layman for an employment, but not a Presbyterian or Anabaptist preacher for a church-living. Now I must take leave to inform you, that several members of our house, and myself among the rest, knowing some time ago what was upon the anvil, went to all the clergy we knew of any distinction, and desired their judgment in the matter; wherein we found a most wonderful agreement, there being but one divine that we could hear of in the whole kingdom who appeared of a contrary sentiment: wherein he afterward stood alone in the convocation, very little to his credit, though, as he hoped, very much to his interest. I will now consider a little the arguments offered to show the advantages, or rather the necessity, of repealing the Test in Ireland. We are told, the popish interest is here so formidable, that all hands should be joined to keep it under that the only names of distinction among us ought to be those of Protestant and Papist; and that this expedient is the only means to unite all Protestants upon one common bottom. All which is nothing but misrepresentation and mistake. If we were under any real fear of the Papists in this kingdom, it would be hard to think us so stupid as not to be equally apprehensive with others, since we are likely to be the greatest and more immediate sufferers; but, on the contrary, we look upon them to be altogether as inconsiderable as the women and children. Their lands are almost entirely taken from them, and they are rendered incapable of purchasing any more, and for the little that remains, provision is made by the late act against Popery, that it will daily crumble away: to prevent which, some of the most considerable among them are already turned Protestants, and so, in all probability, will many more. Then the Popish priests are all registered, and without permission (which I hope will not be granted) they can have no successors; so that the Protestant clergy will find it perhaps no difficult matter to bring great numbers over to the church; and in the mean time the common people, without leaders, without discipline or natural courage, being little better than hewers of wood and drawers of water, are out of all capacity of doing any mischief, if they were ever so well inclined. Neither are they at all likely to join, in any considerable numbers, with an invader, having found so ill success when they were much more numerous and powerful; when they had a prince of their own religion to head them, had been trained for some years under a Popish deputy, and received such mighty aids from the French king. As to that argument used for repealing the Test, that it will unite all Protestants against the common enemy, I wonder by what figure those gentlemen speak who are pleased to advance it: suppose, in order to increase the friendship between you and me, a law should pass, that I must have half your estate; do you think that would much advance the union between us? or suppose I share my fortune equally between my own children and a stranger, whom I take into my protection, will that be a method to unite them? It is an odd way of uniting parties, to deprive a majority of part of their ancient right, by conferring it on a faction, who had never any right at all, and therefore cannot be said to suffer any loss or injury if it be refused them. Neither is it very clear how far some people may stretch the term of common enemy. How many are there of those that call themselves Protestants who look upon our worship to be idolatrous, as well as that of the Papists, and, with great charity, put Prelacy and Popery together, as terms convertible? And therefore there is one small doubt I would be willingly satisfied in, before I agree to the repealing of But this is ripping up old quarrels long forgot; Popery is now the common enemy, against which we must all unite. I have been tired in history with the perpetual folly of those states who call in foreigners to assist them against a common enemy; but the mischief was, these allies would never be brought to allow that the common enemy was quite subdued. And they had reason; for it proved at last, that one part of the common enemy was those who called them in, and so the allies became at length the masters. It is agreed among naturalists, that a lion is a larger, a stronger, and more dangerous enemy than a cat; yet if a man were to have his choice, either a lion at his foot, bound fast with three or four chains, his teeth drawn out, and his claws pared to the quick, or an angry cat in full liberty at his throat, he would take no long time to determine. sacrament in course about four times a-year; and therefore only desired it might appear by certificate to the public, that such, who took an office, were members of the church established, by doing their ordinary duty. However, lest we should offend them, we have often desired they would deal candidly with us; for, if the matter stuck only there, we would propose it in parliament, that every man who takes an employment should, instead of receiving the sacrament, be obliged to swear that he is a member of the church of Ireland by law established, with Episcopacy, and so forth; and as they do now in Scotland, to be true to the kirk. But when we drive them thus far, they always retire to the main body of the argument, urge the hardship that men should be deprived the liberty of serving their queen and country on account of their conscience; and, in short, have recourse to the common style of their half brethren. Now, whether this be a sincere way of arguing, I will appeal to any other judgment but theirs. There is another topic of clamour somewhat parallel to the foregoing: it seems by the Test clause, the military officers are obliged to receive the sacrament, as well as the civil. And it is a matter of some patience to hear the dissenters declaiming upon this occasion: they cry they are disarmed, they are used like Papists: when an enemy appears at home, or from abroad, they must sit still, and see their throats cut, or be hanged for high treason if they offer to defend themselves. Miserable condition! woful dilemma! it is happy for us all that the pretender was not apprized of this passive Presbyterian principle, else he would have infallibly landed in our northern parts, and found them all sat down in their formalities, as the Gauls did the Roman senators, ready to die with honour in their callings. Sometimes, to appease their indignation, we venture to give them hopes, that, in such a case, the government will perhaps connive, and hardly be so severe to hang them for de readily answer, that they will not lie at our mercy, but let us fight our battles ourselves. Sometimes we offer to get an act, by which upon all Popish insurrections at home, or Popish invasion from abroad, the government shall be empowered to grant commissions to all Protestants whatsoever, without that persecuting circumstance of obliging them to say their prayers when they receive the sacrament: but they abhor all thoughts of occasional commissions; they will not do our drudgery, and we reap the benefit: it is not worth their while to fight pro aris et focis; and they had rather lose their estates, liberties, religion, and lives, than the pleasure of governing. I have been sometimes admiring the wonderful sig-fending it, against the letter of the law: to which they nificancy of that word persecution, and what various interpretations it has acquired even within my memory. When I was a boy I often heard the Presbyterians complain that they were not permitted to serve God in their own way they said they did not repine at our employments, but thought that all men who live peaceably ought to have liberty of conscience, and leave to assemble. That impediment being removed at the Revolution, they soon learned to swallow the Sacramental Test, and began to take very large steps, wherein all who offered to oppose them were called men of a persecuting spirit. During the time the bill against occasional conformity was on foot, persecution was every day rung in our ears, and now at last the Sacramental Test itself has the same name. Where then is this matter likely to end, when the obtaining of one request is only used as a step to demand another? a lover is ever complaining of cruelty while anything is denied him; when the lady ceases to be cruel, she is from the next moment at his mercy: so persecution, it seems, is everything that will not leave it in men's power to persecute others. There is one argument offered against a Sacramental Test by a sort of men who are content to be styled of the church of England, who perhaps attend its service in the morning, and go with their wives to a conventicle in the afternoon, confessing they hear very good doctrine in both. These men are much offended, that so holy an institution, as that of the Lord's Supper, should be made subservient to such mercenary purposes as the getting of an employment. Now it seems the law, concluding all men to be members of that church where they receive the sacrament; and supposing all men to live like Christians (especially those who are to have employments), did imagine they received the But to bring this discourse toward a conclusion: if the dissenters will be satisfied with such a toleration by law as has been granted them in England, I believe the majority of both houses will fall readily in with it; further, it will be hard to persuade this house of commons, and perhaps much harder the next. For, to say the truth, we make a mighty difference here betweer suffering thistles to grow among us, and wearing them for posies. We are fully convinced in our consciences, that we shall always tolerate them; but not quite so fully that they will always tolerate us, when it comes to their turn; and we are the majority, and we are in possession. He who argues in defence of a law in force, not antiquated or obsolete, but lately enacted, is certainly on the safer side, and may be allowed to point out the dangers he conceives to foresee in the abrogation of it. For, if the consequences of repealing this clause should at some time or other enable the Presbyterians to work themselves up into the national church; instead of uniting Protestants, it would sow eternal divisions among them. First, their own sects, which now lie dormant, would be soon at cuffs again with each other, about power and preferment; and the dissenting episcopals, perhaps discontented to such a degree as, upon some fair unhappy occasion, would be able to shake the firmest loyalty, which none can deny theirs to be. Neither is it very difficult to conjecture, from some late proceedings, at what a rate this faction is likely to drive, wherever it gets the whip and the seat. They have already set up courts of spiritual judicature in open contempt of the laws: they send missionaries everywhere, without being invited, in order to convert the church-of-England folks to Christianity. They are as vigilant as I know who, to attend persons on their death-beds, and for purposes much alike. And what practices such principles as these (with many other that might be invidious to mention) may spawn when they are laid out to the sun, you may determine at leisure. Lastly, Whether we are so entirely sure of their loyalty upon the present foot of government, as you may imagine their detractors make a question, which however does, I think, by no means affect the body of dissenters; but the instance produced is, of some among their leading teachers in the north, who, having refused the abjuration oath, yet continue their preaching, and have abundance of followers. The particulars are out of my head; but the fact is notorious enough, and I believe has been published; I think it a pity it has not been remedied. Thus, I have fairly given you, sir, my own opinion, as well as that of a great majority in both houses here, relating to this weighty affair; upon which I am confident you may securely reckon. I will leave you to make what use of it you please. I am, with great respect, sir, yours, &c. A NARRATIVE OF THE SEVERAL ATTEMPTS WHICH THE DISSENTERS OF IRELAND HAVE MADE, FOR A REPEAL OF THE SACRAMENTAL TEST. HUMBLY INSCRIBED TO THE CONFORMING NOBILITY AND GENTRY OF IRELAND, 1731.a WHEN the oath of supremacy was repealed, which had been the church's great security since the 2nd of queen Elizabeth, against both Papists and Presbyterians, who equally refused it, it let in such a current of dissenters into some of our corporations, as bore down all before them. Although the Sacramental Test had been for a considerable time in force in England, yet that law did not reach Ireland, where the church was more oppressed by dissenters, and where her most sanguine friends were glad to compound, to preserve what legal security she had left, rather than attempt any new, or even to recover what she had lost; and in truth they had no reason to expect it, at a time when the dissenters had the interest to have a motion made and debated in parliament, that there might be a temporary repeal of all the penal laws against them; and when they were so flushed with the conquest they had made in some corporations, as to reject all overtures of a toleration; and to that end had employed Mr. Boyse to write against it with the utmost contempt, calling it "a stone instead of bread, a serpent instead of a fish." When the church was in this situation, the clause of the Sacramental Test was happily sent over from England, tacked to the Popery bill; which alarmed the whole body of the dissenters to that degree, that their This little tract was originally printed at Dublin in a periodical paper called "The Correspondent:" and was annexed to the second edition of the "Presbyterians' Plea of Merit." managers began to ply with the greatest artifice and industry to prevent its passing into a law. But (to the honour of that parliament be it spoken) the whole body of both lords and commous (some few excepted) passed the clause with great readiness, and defended it afterward with as great resolution. The immediate consequence of this law was the recovery of several corporations from the dissenters, and the preservation of others, to which that enterprising people had made very bold and quick approaches. It was hoped that this signal defeat would have discouraged the dissenters from any further attempts against the law, which had so unanimously passed both houses; but the contrary soon appeared: for, upon meeting of the parliament held by the earl of Pembroke, they quickly reassumed their wonted courage and confidence, and made no doubt but they should either procure an absolute repeal thereof, or get it so far relaxed as that they might be admitted to offices of military trust: to this they apprehended themselves encouraged by a paragraph in his excellency's speech to both houses, (which they applied to themselves,) which "that the queen would be glad of any expedient for strengthening the interest of her Protestant subjects of Ireland." was, The advocates for the dissenters immediately took hold of this handle; and, in order to prepare the way for this expedient, insisting boldly upon their merit and loyalty, charged the church with persecution, and extolled their signal behaviour in the late Revolution to that degree, as if by their singular prowess they had saved the nation. But all this was only to prepare the way for the grand engine, which was forming to beat down this law; and that was their expedient addresses. The first of this kind was, from a provincial synod of the northern dissenters, beginning with high encomiums upon themselves, and as high demands from the public, for their untainted loyalty in all turns of government, which," they said, "was the natural consequence of their known principles;" expressions, which, had they been applied to them by their adversaries, must have been understood as spoken ironically; and, indeed, to have been the greatest sarcasm imaginable upon them (especially when we consider the insolent treatment given to her late majesty in the very same address); for, immediately after they pass this compliment upon themselves, they tell her majesty, they deeply regret the Sacramental Test; and frankly declare, that neither the gentlemen nor people of their persuasion could (they must mean would) serve her, whatever exigencies might arise, unless that law was repealed. The managers for the kirk, following this precedent, endeavoured to obtain addresses to the same purpose from the corporations; and though they proved unsuc cessful in most, they procured them from our most considerable conforming corporations; and that too at a critical juncture, when numbers of Scotch Presbyterians, who had deserved well in the affair of the Union, and could not be rewarded in England, (where the Test Act was in force,) stood ready to overrun our preferments as soon as the Test should be repealed in Ireland. But, after all, when it came to a decisive trial in the house of commons, the dissenters were defeated. When the managers found the house of commous could not be brought into that scheme of an expedient, to be offered by them; their refinement upon this was, to move for an address, "That the house would accept of an expedient from her majesty ;" but this also was rejected; for, by this project, the managers would have led the queen into this dilemma, either to disHis viceroyalty commenced April 7, 1707. and odious mark of infamy, &c. oblige the whole body of the dissenters, by refusing | the Test Act, by the modest appellation of a grievance, to name the expedient, or else to give up the conformists to the insults and encroachments of the dissenters, by the repeal of that law which was declared by the house of lords to be the great security of the established church, and of the English interest in Ireland. The next attempt they made against the Test was during the government of lord Wharton. The dissenters seemed more resolute now than ever to have the Test repealed, especially when his excellency had declared from the throne, "that they were neither to be persecuted nor molested." For they, who had all along called the Test Act a persecution, might reasonably conclude that grievance would be removed, when they were told by the chief governor, that "they were not even to be molested." But, to their great confusion, they were soon undeceived, when they found, upon trial, that the house of commons would not bear the least motion toward it. Their movements to repeal the Test being stopped this way, the managers were obliged to take several other ways to come at it: and at the time that some pretended to soothe, others seemed to threaten even the legislature. There happened about that time, when the project of the expedient was on foot, an excellent occasion to express their resentments against this law, and that was, when great numbers of them refused the oath of allegiance, and to oppose the pretender, insisting upon a repeal of the Test Act as the condition of their arming in defence of their queen and country. The government was not reduced to such straits, as to submit to that condition: and the Test stood firm, in spite of both the dissenters and the pretender, until the latter was driven from our coasts; and then one would have thought the hopes of the former would have vanished with him. But it proved quite contrary; for those sons of the earth, rebounding with fresh vigour from their falls, recovered new strength and spirit from every defeat; and the next attempt was bolder (considering the circumstance they were in) than any they had made before. The case was this: the house of lords of Ireland had accused them to the queen of several illegal practices, which highly concerned the safety of our constitution both in church and state; the particulars of which charge were summed up in a representation from the lords to this effect: "That they (the dissenters) had opposed and persecuted the conformists in those parts where their power prevailed, had invaded their congregation, propagated their schism in places where it had not the least footing formerly; that they were protected from a legal prosecution by a noli prosequi in the case of Drogheda; that they refused to take conforming apprentices, and confined trade among themselves, exclusive of the conformists; that, in their illegal assemblies, they had prosecuted and censured their people for being married according to law; that they have thrown public and scandalous reflections upon the Episcopal order, and upon our laws, particularly the Sacramental Test, and had misapplied the royal bounty of 12001. per annum in propagating their schism, and undermining the church; and had exercised an illegal jurisdiction in their presbyteries and synods," &c. To this representation of the lords, the dissenters remonstrate in an address to the queen, or rather an appeal to their own people; in which, although it is evident they were conscious of those crimes whereof they stood accused, as appears by the evasions they make to this high charge; yet, even under these circumstances, (such was their modesty,) they pressed for a repeal of Appointed lord-lieutenant November 25, 1708. One particular in another address I cannot omit. The house of lords, in their representation, had accused one dissenting teacher in particular (well known to Mr. Boyse); the charge was in these words: "Nor has the legislature itself escaped the censure of a bold author of theirs, who has published in print that the Sacramental Test is only an engine to advance a state faction, and to debase religion, to serve base and unworthy purposes." To this Mr. Boyse answers, in an address to the queen, in the year 1712, subscribed only by himself and five more dissenting teachers, in the following manner : "As to this part of their lordships' complaint, we beg leave to lay before your majesty the words of that author, which are these: Nor can we altogether excuse those who turn the holy Eucharist into an engine to advance a state faction, and endeavour to confine the communion table of our Lord, by their arbitrary enclosures, to a party: religion is thereby debased, to serve mean and unworthy purposes. We humbly conceive that the author, in that passage, makes no mention of the legislature at all, &c.; and we cannot omit, on this occasion, to regret it, as the great unhappiness of a kingdom, that dissenters should now be disabled from concurring in the defence of it, in any future exigency and danger, and should have the same infamy put upon them with the Irish Papists. We therefore humble hope that your majesty shall cousider how little real grounds there are for those complaints made by their lordships." What a mixture of impudence and prevarication is this! That one dissenting teacher, accused to his prince of having censured the legislature, should presume, backed only by five more of the same quality and profession, to transcribe the guilty paragraph, and (to secure his meaning from all possibility of being mistaken) annex another to it; wherein they rail at that very law for which he in so audacious a manner censured the queen and parliament, and at the same time should expect to be acquitted by her majesty, because he had not mentioned the word legislature. It is true, the word legislature is not expressed in that paragraph; but let Mr. Boyse say what other power but the legislature could in this sense, "turn the holy Eucharist into an engine to advance a state faction, or confine offices of trust, or the communion table of our Lord, by their arbitrary enclosures, to a party." It is plain he can from his principles intend no others but the legislators or the Sacramental Test; though, at the same time, I freely own that this is a vile description of them; for neither have they by this law made the Sacramental Test an engine to advance, but rather to depress, a state faction; nor have they made any arbitrary enclosures of the communion table of the Lord, since as many as please may receive the sacrament with us in our churches; and those who will not may freely, as before, receive it in their separate congregations: nor, in the last place, is religion hereby debased to serve mean and unworthy purposes; nor is it any more than all lawgivers do, by enjoining an oath of allegiance, and making that a religious test; for an oath is an act of religious worship, as well as the Eucharist. Upon the whole, is not this an instance of prodigious boldness in Jo. Boyse, backed with only five dissenting teachers, thus to recriminate upon the Irish house of lords, (as they were pleased to call them in the title of their printed address,) and almost to insist with her majesty upon the repeal of the law, which she had stamped with her royal authority but a few years before? The next attempt of the dissenters against this law was made during the government of the duke of Shrewsbury, by the whole compacted body of their teachers and elders, with a formidable engine, called a representation of grievances; in which, after they had reviled the Test Act with the same odious appellations, and insisted upon the same insolent arguments for the repeal thereof, which they had formerly urged to the queen, they expressed themselves to his grace in these words: "We beg leave to say, that those persons must be inexcusable, and chargeable with all the bad consequences that may follow, who, in such a kingdom as this, and at such a time as this, disable, disgrace, and divide Protestants; a thing that ought not to be done at any time, or in any place, much less then in this," &c. Is it possible to conceive anything more provoking than this humble supplication of these remonstrators? Does not this sound like a demand of the repeal of the Test at the peril of those who dare refuse it? Is it not an application with a hat in one hand, and a sword in the other, and that too in the style of a king of Ulster to a king of Connaught-" Repeal the Test, or if you don't' But to proceed in this narrative: notwithstanding the defeat of the dissenters in England, in their late attempt against the Test, their brethren in Ireland are so far from being discouraged, that they seem now to conceive greater hopes of having it repealed here than ever. In order to prepare necessaries, and furnish topics for this attempt, there was a paper printed upon the opening of last session, and now republished, entitled, "The Nature and Consequences of the Sacramental Test considered, with reasons humbly offered for the repeal thereof." It is not my intention to follow this author through all the mazes and windings of his reasoning upon this subject, which, in truth, seem such incoherent shreds, that it is impossible to tie them together; and therefore what I propose is to answer such objections to the Test, as are advanced either by this author or any other, which have any appearance of reason or plausibility. I know it is not prudent to despise an adversary, nor fair to prepossess readers, before I show this bold and insolent writer in his proper figure and dress; and therefore, however I may take him to be a feeble advocate for the repeal of the Test in point of reasoning, yet I freely allow him to be a most resolute champion in point of courage, who has, with such intrepidity, attacked not only the first enactors of this law, but all such who shall continue it, by giving their negatives to the repeal. Page 19, he says, "the truth is the imposition of the Test, and continuing it in such a state of the kingdom, appears (at first sight) so great an absurdity in politics as can never be accounted for." Who are these absurd politicians? are they not the majority of both houses of parliament? But to strengthen his reflections, page 26, he gives the whole legislature to understand," that continuing the Test does not become the wisdom and justice of the legislature, under the pretence of its being for the advantage of the state, when it is really prejudicial to it:" and further tells us, "it infringes on the indisputable right of the dissenters." Page 57, he says, "The gentlemen of the house of commons, who framed the bill to prevent the further growth of Popery, instead of approving the Test clause which was inserted, publicly declared their dislike to it, and their resolution to take the first opportunity of repealing it, though at that time they unwillingly passed it, rather then lose a bill they were so fond of. This resolution has not been as yet fulfilled, for what reasons our worthy patriots themselves know best." I should be glad this author would inform us who and how many of those members joined in this resolution to repeal the Test; or where that resolution is to be found, which he mentions twice in that same paragraph; surely not in the books of the house of commons! If not, suppose some few gentlemen of the house of commons (and to be sure very few they were) who publicly declared their dislike to it, or entered into any resolution; this, I think, he should have explained and not insinuated so gross a reflection on a majority of the house of commons, who first passed this law, and have ever since opposed all attempts to repeal it; these are the gentlemen whom, in sarcasm and irony, he is pleased to call the worthy, that is, the unworthy patriots themselves. But to mention no more, he concludes his notable piece with these remarkable words, page 62, 63 :— "Thus it appears with regard to the Protestant succession, which has now happily taken place, how reasonable it is to repeal the Sacramental Test; and that granting that favour to the Dissenters [which by the by cannot be granted but by parliament] can be disagreeable to none who have a just sense of the many blessings we enjoy by the Protestant succession in his majesty's royal family." I conceive it will be readily allowed, that in all applications from any body of men, or particular subjects to the legislature, the highest encomiums are to be looked upon as purely complimental; but that the least insinuation of disrespect ought to be considered in the strictest sense the expressions can bear. Now, if we apply this observation to what this bold adventurer has said with respect to the legislators of the Sacramental Test, does he not directly and plainly charge them with injustice, imprudence, gross absurdity, and Jacobitism? Let the most prejudiced reader that is not predetermined against conviction, say, whether this libeller of the parliament has not drawn up a high charge against the makers and continuers of this law. Notwithstanding my resentment, which to be sure he does not value, I would be sorry he should bring upon himself the resentment of those he has been so free with. Is not this author justly to be reputed a defamer till he produces instances wherein the conforming nobility and gentry of Ireland have shown their disaffection to the succession of the illustrious house of Hanover? Did they ever refuse the oath of abjuration, or support any conforming nonjuring teachers in their congregations? Did ever any conforming gentlemen or common people refuse to be arrayed when the militia was raised upon the invasion of the pretender? Did any of them ever show the least reluctance, or make any exception against their officers, whether they were dissenters or churchmen? It may be said that, from these insinuations, I would have it understood that the dissenters encouraged some of their teachers who refused the oath of abjuration; and that, even in the article of danger, when the pretender made an attempt in Scotland, our northern Presbyterians showed great reluctance in taking arms upon the array of the militia. I freely own it is my intention, and I must affirm both facts to be true; however they have the assurance to deny it. What can be more notorious than the protection, countenance, and support which was continued to Riddall, M'Bride, and M'Crackan, who absolutely refused the oath of abjuration, and yet were continued to teach in their congregations after they returned from Scotland, when a prosecution was directed, and a council in criminal causes was sent down to the county of Antrim to prosecute them? With respect to |