have been changed; and although I observe some of the very same names in a late declaration against that coin which I saw subscribed to the proclamation against the drapier, yet possibly they may be different persons; for they are utterly unknown to me, and are likely to continue so. In this controversy, where the reasoners on each side are divided by St. George's Channel, his majesty's prerogative perhaps would not have been mentioned if Mr. Wood and his advocates had not made it necessary, by giving out that the currency of his coin should be enforced by a proclamation. The traders and common people of the kingdom were heartily willing to refuse this coin, but the fear of a proclamation brought along with it most dreadful apprehensions. It was therefore absolutely necessary for the drapier to remove this difficulty; and accordingly, in one of his former pamphlets, he produced invincible arguments (wherever he picked them up) that the king's prerogative was not at all concerned in the matter; since the law had sufficiently provided against any coin to be imposed on the subject except gold and silver; and that copper is not money, but, as it has been properly called, nummorum famulus. So here in the case of Mr. Wood and his coin, since the two houses gave their opinion by addresses how dangerous the currency of copper would be to Ireland, it was without all question both lawful and convenient that the bulk of the people should be let more particularly into the nature of the danger they were in, and of the remedies that were in their own power, if they would have the sense to apply them; and this cannot be more conveniently done than by particular persons to whom God has given zeal and understanding sufficient for such an undertaking. Thus it happened in the case of that destructive project for a bank in Ireland which was brought into parliament a few years ago; and it was allowed that the arguments and writings of some without doors contributed very much to reject it. Now, I should be heartily glad if some able lawyers would prescribe the limits how far a private man may venture in delivering his thoughts upon public matters; because a true lover of his country may think it hard to be a quiet stander-by, and an indolent looker-on, while a public error prevails, by which a whole nation may be ruined. Every man who enjoys property has some share in the public; and therefore the care of the public is in some degree every such man's concern. To come to particulars; I could wish to know whether it be utterly unlawful in any writer so much as to mention the prerogative; at least so far as to bring it into doubt upon any point whatsoever. I know it is often debated in Westminster-hall; and sir Edward Coke, as well as other eminent lawyers, do frequently handle that subject in their books. Secondly, How far the prerogative extends to force coin upon the subject which is not sterling; such as lead, brass, copper mixed metal, shells, leather, or any other material; and fix upon it whatever denomination the crown shall think fit? The three former letters from the drapier having not received any public censure, I look upon them to be without exception, and that the good people of the kingdom ought to read them often in order to keep up that spirit raised against this destructive coin of Mr. Wood. As for his last letter, against which a proclamation is issued, I shall only say that I could wish it were stripped of all that can be any way objectionable; which I would not think it below me to undertake if my abilities were equal; but being naturally somewhat slow of comprehension, no lawyer, and apt to believe the best of those who profess good designs without any visible motive either of profit or honour, I might pore for ever without distinguishing the cockle from the corn. That which I am told gives the greatest offence in this last letter is where the drapier affirms, "that if a Lastly, In what points relating to liberty and prorebellion should prove so successful as to fix the pre-perty the people of Ireland differ, or at least ought to tender on the throne of Eugland, he would venture so far to transgress the Irish statute which unites Ireland to England under one king as to lose every drop of his blood to hinder him from being king of Ireland." I shall not presume to vindicate any man who openly declares he would transgress a statute, and a statute of such importance; but with the most humble submission and desire of pardon for a very innocent mistake, I should be apt to think that the loyal intention of the writer might be at least some small extenuation of his crime, for in this I confess myself to think with the drapier. Thirdly, What is really and truly meant by that phrase of a "depending kingdom," as applied to Ireland, and wherein that dependency consists? differ, from those of England? If these particulars were made so clear that none could mistake them, it would be of infinite ease and use to the kingdom, and either prevent or silence all discontents. My lord Somers, the greatest man I ever knew of your robe, and whose thoughts of Ireland differed as far as heaven and earth from those of some others among his brethren here, lamented to me that the prerogative of the crown, or the privileges of parliament, should ever be liable to dispute in any single branch of either; by which means he said the public often suffered great inconveniences, whereof he gave me several instances. I produce the authority of so eminent a person to justify my desires that some high points might be cleared. For want of such known ascertainment how far a writer may proceed in expressing his good wishes for his country, a person of the most innocent intentions may possibly, by the oratory and comments of lawyers, be charged with many crimes which from his very soul he abhors; and consequently may be ruined in his fortunes, and left to rot among thieves in some stink I have not been hitherto told of any other objections against that pamphlet; but I suppose they will all appear at the prosecution of the drapier. And I think, who ever in his own conscience believes the said pamphlet to be "wicked and malicious, seditious and scandalous, highly reflecting upon his majesty and his ministers," &c., would do well to discover the author, (as little a friend as I am to the trade of informers,) although the reward of 3007. had not been tacked to the discovery. I own it would be a great satisfaction to me to hear the arguments not only of judges, but of lawyers, upon this case; because you cannot but know there often happening jail, merely for mistaking the purlieus of the law. occasions wherein it would be very convenient that the bulk of the people should be informed how they ought to conduct themselves; and therefore it has been the wisdom of the English parliaments to be very reserved in limiting the press. When a bill is debating in either house of parliament there, nothing is more usual than to have the controversy handled by pamphlets on both sides, without the least animadversion upon the authors. I have known, in my lifetime, a printer prosecuted and convicted for publishing a pamphlet where the author's intentions, I am confident, were as good and innocent as those of a martyr at his last prayers. I did very lately, as I thought it my duty, preach to the people under my inspection upon the subject of Mr. Wood's coin; and although I never heard that my sermon gave the least offence, as I am sure none was intended, yet, "A proposal for the universal use of Irish manufactures." if it were now printed and published, I cannot say I would ensure it from the hands of the common hangman, or my own person from those of a messenger.* I have heard the late chief-justice Holt aflirm that, in all criminal cases, the most favourable interpretation should be put upon words that they can possibly bear. You meet the same position asserted in many trials for the greatest crimes; though often very ill practised, by the perpetual corruption of judges. And I remember at a trial in Kent, where sir George Rook was indicted for calling a gentleman knave and villain, the lawyer for the defendant brought off his client by alleging that the words were not injurious; for knave, in the old and true signification, imported only a servant; and villain in Latin is villicus, which is no more than a man employed in country labour, or rather a bailiff. If sir John Holt's opinion were a standard maxim for all times and circumstances, any writer, with a very small measure of discretion, might easily be safe; but I doubt in practice it has been frequently controlled, at least before his time; for I take it to be an old rule in law. I have read or heard a passage of seignior Gregorio Leti, an Italian, who, being in London, busying himself with writing the History of England, told king Charles II." that he endeavoured as much as he could to avoid giving offence, but found it a thing impossible, although he should have been as wise as Solomon." The king answered, "that, if this were the case, he had better employ his time in writing proverbs, as Solomon did." But Leti lay under no public necessity of writing; neither would England have been one halfpenny the better or the worse whether he writ or not. This I mention, because I know it will readily be objected, "What have private men to do with the public?-what call had a drapier to turn politician, to meddle in matters of state?-would not his time have been better employed in looking to his shop, or his pen in writing proverbs, elegies, ballads, garlands, and wonders? He would then have been out of all danger of proclamations and prosecutions. Have we not able magistrates and counsellors hourly watching over the public weal?" All this may be true; and yet, when the addresses from both houses of parliament against Mr. Wood's halfpence failed of success, if some pen had not been employed to inform the people how far they might legally proceed in refusing that coin; to detect the fraud, the artifice, and insolence of the coiner; and to lay open the most ruinous consequences to the whole kingdom, which would inevitably follow from the currency of the said coin; I might appeal to many hundred thousand people whether any one of them would ever have had the courage or sagacity to refuse it. If this copper should begin to make its way among the common ignorant people, we are inevitably undone. It is they who give us the greatest apprehension, being easily frighted, and greedy to swallow misinformations; for, if every man were wise enough to understand his own interest, which is every man's principal study, there would be no need of pamphlets upon this occasion; but as things stand, I have thought it absolutely necessary, from my duty to God, my king, and my country, to inform the people that the proclamation lately issued against the drapier doth not in the least affect the case of Mr. Wood and his coin, but only refers to certain paragraphs in the drapier's last pamphlet (not immediately relating to his subject, nor at all to the merits of the cause) which the government was pleased to dislike; so that any man has the same liberty to reject, to write, and to declare against this coin, which he had before; neither is any man obliged to believe that those honourable persons (whereof you are the first) a The sermon "On doing Good, occasioned by Wood's Project." | who signed that memorable proclamation against the drapier have at all changed their opinions with regard to Mr. Wood or his coin. Therefore, concluding myself to be thus far upon a safe and sure foot, I shall continue upon any proper occasion, as God enables me, to revive and preserve that spirit raised in the nation (whether the real author were a real drapier or not is little to the purpose) against this horrid design of Mr. Wood; at the same time carefully watching every stroke of my pen, and venturing only to incur the public censure of the world as a writer, not of my lord chief-justice Whitshed as a criminal. Whenever an order shall come out by authority, forbidding all men, upon the highest penalties, to offer anything in writing or discourse against Mr. Wood's halfpence, I shall certainly submit. However, if that should happen, I am determined to be somewhat more than the last man in the kingdom to receive them, because I will never receive them at all; for, although I know how to be silent, I have not yet learned to pay active obedience against my conscience and the public safety. I desire to put a case which I think the drapier in some of his books has put before me, although not so fully as it requires : : You know the copper halfpence in England are coined by the public; and every piece worth pretty near the value of the copper. Now suppose that, instead of the public coinage, a patent had been granted to some private obscure person for coining a proportionable quantity of copper in that kingdom to what Mr. Wood is preparing in this, and all of it at least five times below the intrinsic value: the current money of England is reckoned to be 20,000,0007.; and ours under 500,000l.; by this computation, as Mr. Wood has power to give us 108,000, so the patentee in England, by the same proportion, might circulate 4,320,0007., besides as much more by stealth and counterfeits; I desire to know from you whether the parliament might not have addressed upon such an occasion; what success they probably would have had; and how many drapiers would have risen to pester the world with pamphlets? Yet that kingdom would not be so great a sufferer as ours in the like case; because their cash would not be conveyed into foreign countries, but lie hid in the chests of cautious thrifty men until better times. Then I desire, for the satisfaction of the public, that you will please to inform me why this country is treated in so very different a manner in a point of such high importance; whether it be on account of Poinings' act, of subordination, dependence, or any other term of art which I shall not contest, but am too dull to understand. I am very sensible that the good or ill success of Mr. Wood will affect you less than any person of cousequence in the kingdom; because I hear you are so prudent as to make all your purchases in England: and truly so would I if I had money, although I were to pay 100 years' purchase; because I should be glad to possess a freehold that could not be taken from me by any law to which I did not give my own consent; and where I should never be in danger of receiving my rents in mixed copper, at the loss of sixteen shillings in the pound. You can live in ease and plenty at Pepper-hara, in Surrey, and therefore I thought it extremely generous and public-spirited in you to be of the kingdom's side in this dispute, by showing without reserve your disapprobation of Mr. Wood's design: at least if you have been so frank to others as you were to me which indeed I could not but wonder at, considering how much we differ in other points; and therefore could get but few believers when I attempted to justify you in this article from your own words. I would humbly offer another thought, which I do not remember to have fallen under the drapier's observation. If these halfpence should once gain admittance, it is agreed that, in no long space of time, what by the clandestine practices of the coiner, what by his own counterfeits, and those of others, either from abroad or at home, his limited quantity would be tripled upon us, until there would not be a grain of gold or silver visible in the nation. This, in my opinion, would lay a heavy charge upon the crown, by creating a necessity of transmitting money from England to pay the salaries at least of the principal civil officers; for I do not conceive how a judge, for instance, could support his dignity with 10007. a-year in Wood's coin; which would not intrinsically be worth near 2007. To argue that these halfpence, if no other coin were current, would answer the general ends of commerce among ourselves, is a great mistake: and the drapier has made that matter too clear to admit an answer, by showing us what every owner of land must be forced You to do with the products of it in such a distress. may read his remarks at large in his 2nd and 3rd Letters, to which I refer you. Before I conclude I cannot but observe that for several months past there have more papers been written in this town, such as they are, all upon the best public principle, the love of our country, than perhaps has been known in any other nation in so short time (I speak in general from the drapier down to the maker of ballads), and all without any regard to the common motives of writers, which are profit, favour, and reputation. As to profit, I am assured by persons of credit that the best ballad upon Mr. Wood will not yield above a groat to the author; and the unfortunate adventurer Harding a declares he never made the drapier any As to favour, whopresent except one pair of scissors. ever thinks to make his court by opposing Mr. Wood, is not very deep in politics. And as to reputation, certainly no man of worth and learning would employ his pen upon so transitory a subject, and in so obscure corner of the world, to distinguish himself as an author. So that I look upon myself, the drapier, and my numerous brethren, to be all true patriots in our several degrees. a reasons. All that the public can expect for the future is only to be sometimes warned to beware of Mr. Wood's half. pence, and to be referred for conviction to the drapier's For a man of the most superior understanding will find it impossible to make the best use of it while he writes in constraint, perpetually softening, correcting, or blotting out expressions, for fear of bringing his printer or himself under a prosecution from my lord chief-justice Whitshed. It calls to my remembrance the madman in Don Quixote, who, being soundly beaten by a weaver for letting a stone (which he always carried on his shoulder) fall upon a spaniel, apprehended that every cur he inet was of the same species. For these reasons I am convinced that what I have now written will appear low and insipid, but if it contributes in the least to preserve that union among us for opposing this fatal project of Mr. Wood, my pains will not be altogether lost. I sent these papers to an eminent lawyer, (and yet a man of virtue and learning into the bargain,) who, after many alterations, returned them back with assuring me that they are perfectly innocent, without the least mixture of treason, rebellion, sedition, malice, disaffection, reflection, or wicked insinuation whatsoever. If the bellman of each parish, as he goes his circuit, would cry out every night, "Past twelve o'clock !-beware of Wood's halfpence!" it would probably cut off the occasion for publishing any more pamphlets; provided that in country-towns it were done upon marketa The printer of the Drapier's Letters. days. For my own part, as soon as it shall be determined that it is not against law, I will begin the experiment in the liberty of St. Patrick's; and hope my example may be followed in the whole city. But if authority shall think fit to forbid all writings or discourses upon this subject, except such as are in favour of Mr. Wood, I will obey as it becomes me; only, when I am in danger of bursting, I will go and whisper among the reeds, not any reflection upon the wisdom of my countrymen, but only these few words BEWARE OF WOOD'S HALFPENCE! LETTER THE SEVENTH. AN HUMBLE ADDRESS TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. By M. B., DRAPIER. "Multa gemens plagasque superbi I HAVE been told that petitions and addresses to either king or parliament are the right of every subject, provided they consist with that respect which is due to princes and great assemblies. Neither do I remember that the modest proposals or opinions of private men have been ill received, when they have not been delivered in the style of advice; which is a presumption far from my thoughts. However, if proposals should be looked upon as too assuming, yet I hope every man may be suffered to declare his own and the nation's wishes. For instance, I may be allowed to wish that some further laws were enacted for the advancement of trade; for the improvement of agriculture, now strangely neglected, against the maxims of all wise nations; for supplying the manifest defects in the acts concerning the plantation of trees; for setting the poor to work; and many others. Upon this principle I may venture to affirm it is the hearty wish of the whole nation, very few excepted, that the parliament, in this session, would begin by strictly examining into the detestable fraud of one William Wood, now or late of London, hardwareman, who illegally and clandestinely, as appears by your own votes and addresses, procured a patent in England for coining halfpence in that kingdom to be current here. This I say is the wish of the whole nation, very few excepted, and upon account of those few is more strongly and justly the wish of the rest; those few consisting either of Wood's confederates, some obscure tradesmen, or certain bold UNDERTAKERS of weak judgment and strong ambition, who think to find their accounts in the ruin of the nation by securing or advancing themselves. And because such men proceed upon a system of politics to which I would fain hope you will be always utter strangers, I shall humbly lay it before you. Be pleased to suppose me in a station of 15007. ayear, salary and perquisites, and likewise possessed of 8007. a-year real estate. Then suppose a destructive project to be set on foot-such for instance as this of Wood-which, if it succeed in all the consequences naturally to be expected from it, must sink the rents and wealth of the kingdom one half, although I am confident it would have done so five-sixths: suppose I conceive that the countenancing or privately supporting this project will please those by whom I expect to be preserved or higher exalted; nothing then remains but to compute and balance my gain and my loss, and sum up the whole. I suppose that I shall keep my a This address is without a date; but it appears to have been written during the first session in lord Carteret's government, though it did not appear till it was inserted, with the preceding Letter, in the Dublin edition of 1735. employment ten years, not to mention the fair chance of a better. This, at 1500l. a-year, amounts in ten years to 15,000. My estate, by the success of the said project, sinks 400l. a-year; which, at 20 years' purchase, is but 80007.; so that I am clear gainer of 70007. upon the balance. And during all that period I am possessed of power and credit, can gratify my favourites, and take vengeance on my enemies. And if the project miscarry, my private merit is still entire. This arithmetic, as horrible as it appears, I knowingly affirm to have been practised and applied in conjunctures whereon depended the ruin or safety of a nation; although probably the charity and virtue of a senate will hardly be induced to believe that there can be such monsters among mankind. And yet the wise lord Bacon mentions a sort of people (I doubt the race is not yet extinct) who would "set a house on fire for the convenience of roasting their own eggs at the flame." But whoever is old enough to remember, and has turned his thoughts to observe, the course of public affairs in this kingdom from the time of the Revolution, must acknowledge that the highest points of interest and liberty have been often sacrificed to the avarice and ambition of particular persons, upon the very principles and arithmetic that I have supposed. The only wonder is, how these artists were able to prevail upon numbers, and influence even public assemblies, to become instruments for effecting their execrable designs. It is, I think, in all conscience, latitude enough for vice if a man in station be allowed to act injustice upon the usual principles of getting a bribe, wreaking his malice, serving his party, or consulting his preferment, while his wickedness terminates in the ruin only of particular persons; but to deliver up our whole country, and every living soul who inhabits it, to certain destruction, has not, as I remember, been permitted by the most favourable casuists on the side of corruption. It were far better that all who have had the misfortune to be born in this kingdom should be rendered incapable of holding any employment whatsoever above the degree of a constable, (according to the scheme and intention of a great minister, gone to his own place,) than to live under the daily apprehension of a few false brethren among ourselves; because in the former case we should be wholly free from the danger of being betrayed,-since none could then have impudence enough to pretend any public good. It is true that, in this desperate affair of the new halfpence, I have not heard of any man above my own degree of a shopkeeper to have been hitherto so bold as, in direct terms, to vindicate the fatal project; although I have been told of some very mollifying expressions which were used, and very gentle expedients proposed and handed about, when it first came under debate; but since the eyes of the people have been so far opened that the most ignorant can plainly see their own ruin in the success of Wood's attempt, these grand compounders have been more cautious. But that the same spirit still subsists has manifestly appeared, (among other instances of great compliance,) from certain circumstances that have attended some late proceedings in a court of judicature. There is not any commonplace more frequently insisted on by those who treat of our constitution than the great happiness and excellency of trials by juries; yet, if this blessed part of our law be eludible at pleasure, by the force of power, frowns, and artifice, we shall have little reason to boast of our advantage in this particular over other states or kingdoms in Europe. And surely these high proceedings, exercised in a point that so nearly concerned the life-blood of the people, their necessary subsistence, their very food and raiment, and even the public peace, will not allow any favourable appear The earl of Sunderlaud. ance; because it was obvious that so much superabundant zeal could have no other design, or produce any other effect, than to damp that spirit raised in the nation against this accursed scheme of William Wood and his abettors,-to which spirit alone we owe, and for ever must owe, our being hitherto preserved, and our hopes of being preserved for the future, if it can be kept up and strongly countenanced by your wise assemblies. I wish I could account for such a demeanour upon a more charitable foundation than that of putting our interest in over balance with the ruin of our country. I remember some months ago, when this affair was fresh in discourse, a person nearly allied to SOMEBODY, or (as the hawkers called him) NOBODY, who was thought deeply concerned, went about very diligently among his acquaintance to show the bad censequences that might follow from any public resentment to the disadvantage of his ally Mr. Wood, priucipally alleging the danger of all employments being disposed of from England. One of these emissaries came to me and urged the same topic. I answered naturally, "that I knew there was no office of any kind which a man from England might not have if he thought it worth his asking; and that I looked upon all who had the disadvantage of being born here as only in the conditions of leasers and gleaners." Neither could I forbear mentioning the known fable of "the countryman who entreated his ass to fly, for fear of being taken by the enemy; but the ass refused to give himself that trouble, and upon a very wise reason-because he could not possibly change his present master for a worse; the enemy could not make him fare harder, beat him more cruelly, or load him with heavier burdens." Upon these and many other considerations, I may affirm it to be the wish of the whole nation that the power and privileges of juries were declared, ascertained, and confirmed by the legislature, and that whoever has been manifestly known to violate them might be stigmatized by public censure; not from any hope that such a censure will amend their practices or hurt their interest (for it may probably operate quite contrary in both), but that the nation may know their enemies from their friends. I say not this with any regard or view to myself, for I write in great security, and am resolved that none shall merit at my expense, further than by showing their zeal to discover, prosecute, and condemn me, for endeavouring to do my duty in serving my country; and yet I am conscious to myself that I never had the least intention to reflect on his majesty's ministers, nor any other person except William Wood, whom I neither did, nor do yet, conceive to be of that number. However, some would have it that I went too far; but I suppose they will now allow themselves mistaken. I am sure I might easily have gone farther, and I think I could not easily have fared worse. And, therefore, I was no further affected with their proclamation and subsequent proceedings than a good clergyman is with the sins of the people. And as to the poor printer, he is now gone to appear before a higher and before a righteous tribunal. As my intention is only to lay before your great assemblies the general wishes of the nation, and as I have already declared it our principal wish that your first proceeding would be to examine into the pernicious fraud of William Wood, so I must add, as the universal opinion, that all schemes of commutation, composition, and the like expedients, either avowed or implied, will be of the most pernicious consequences to the public,-against the dignity of a free kingdom,— and prove an encouragement to future adventurers in the same destructive projects. For it is a maxim which no man at present disputes, that even a connivance to admit 10007, in these halfpence, will produce, in time, the same ruinous effects as if we openly consented to admit 1,000,000. It were, therefore, infinitely more safe and eligible to leave things in the doubtful, melancholy state they are at present (which, however, God forbid!), and trust entirely to the general aversion of our people against this coin, using all honest endeavours to preserve, continue, and increase that aversion, than submit to apply those palliatives which weak, perfidious, or abject politicians are, upon all occasions and in all diseases, so ready to administer. In the small compass of my reading (which however has been more extensive than is usual to men of my inferior calling) I have observed that grievances have always preceded supplies. And if ever grievances had a title to such pre-eminence, it must be this of Wood; because it is not only the greatest grievance that any country could suffer, but a grievance of such a kind that, if it should take effect, would make it impossible for us to give any supplies at all, except in adulterate copper; unless a tax were laid for paying the civil and military lists and the large pensions with real commodities instead of money. Which however might be liable to some few objections, as well as difficulties; for although the common soldiers might be content with beef, and mutton, and wool, and malt, and leather, yet I am in some doubt as to the generals, the colonels, the numerous pensioners, the civil officers, and others, who all live in England upon Irish pay, as well as those few who reside among us only because they cannot help it. There is one particular which, although I have mentioned more than once in some of my former papers, yet I cannot forbear to repeat, and a little enlarge upon it; because I do not remember to have read or heard of the like in the history of any age or country, neither do I ever reflect upon it without the utmost astonishment. declarations against those of Wood. We alleged the fraudulent obtaining and executing of his patent; the baseness of his metal, and the prodigious sum to be coined, which might be increased by stealth from foreign importation and his own counterfeits, as well as those at home; whereby we must infallibly lose all our little gold and silver, and all our poor remainder of a very limited and discouraged trade. We urged that the patent was passed without the least reference hither, and without mention of any security given by Wood to receive his own halfpence upon demand; both which are contrary to all former proceedings in the like cases. These and many other arguments we offered, but still the patent went on; and at this day our ruin would have been half completed if God in his mercy had not raised a universal detestation of these halfpence in the | whole kingdom, with a firm resolution never to receive them; since we are not under obligations to do so by any law, either human or divine. But in the name of God and of all justice and piety, when the king's majesty was pleased that this patent should pass, is it not to be understood that he conceived, believed, and intended it as a gracious act for the good and benefit of his subjects, for the advantage of a great and fruitful kingdom; of the most loyal kingdom upon earth, where no hand or voice was ever lifted up against him; a kingdom where the passage is not of three hours from Britain, and a kingdom where papists have less power and less land than in England? Can it be denied or doubted that his majesty's ministers understood and proposed the same end, the good of this nation, when they advised the passing of this patent? Can the person of Wood be otherwise regarded than as the instrument, the mechanic, the head-workman, to prepare his furnace, his fuel, his metal, and his stamps? If I employ a shoe-boy, is it in view to his advantage, or to my own convenience? I mention the person of William Wood alone, because no other appears; and we are not to reason upon surmises, neither would it avail if they had a real foundation. Allowing therefore (for we cannot do less) that this patent for the coining of halfpence was wholly intended by a gracious king and a wise public-spirited ministry for the advantage of Ireland, yet when the whole kingdom to a man, for whose good the patent was designed, do, upon maturest consideration, universally join in openly declaring, protesting, addressing, petitioning against these halfpence, as the most ruinous project that ever was set on foot to complete the slavery and destruction of a poor innocent country; is it, was it, can it, or will it ever be a question, not, whether such a kingdom, or William Wood, should be a gainer; but whether such a kingdom should be wholly undone, de After the unanimous addresses to his sacred majesty, against the patent of Wood, from both houses of parliament, which are the three estates of the kingdom, and likewise an address from the privy-council, to whom, under the chief governors, the whole administration is intrusted, the matter is referred to a committee of council in London. Wood and his adherents are heard on one side, and a few volunteers, without any trust or direction from hence, on the other. The question, as I remember, chiefly turned upon the want of halfpence in Ireland. Witnesses are called on the behalf of Wood, of what credit I have formerly shown. Upon the issue, the patent is found good and legal; all his majesty's officers here (not excepting the military) commanded to be aiding and assisting to make it effectual; the addresses of both houses of parliament, of the privy-council, and of the city of Dublin, the de-stroyed, sunk, depopulated, made a scene of misery and clarations of most counties and corporations through the kingdom, are altogether laid aside as of no weight, consequence, or consideration whatsoever; and the whole kingdom of Ireland nonsuited in default of appearance, as if it were a private cause between John Doe, plaintiff, and William Roe, defendant. With great respect to those honourable persons, the committee of council in London, I have not understood them to be our governors, councillors, or judges. Neither did our case turn at all upon the question whether Ireland wanted halfpence or no? For there is no doubt but we do want both halfpence, gold, and silver; and we have numberless other wants, and some that we are not so much as allowed to name, although they are peculiar to this nation; to which no other is subject whom God has blessed with religion and laws, or any degree of soil and sunshine; but for what demerits on our side, I am altogether in the dark. But I do not remember that our want of halfpence was either affirmed or denied in any of our addresses or desolation, for the sake of William Wood? God of his infinite mercy avert this dreadful judgment! And it is our universal wish that God would put it into your hearts to be his instruments for so good a work. For my own part, who am but one man of obscure condition, I do solemnly declare, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will suffer the most ignominious and torturing death, rather than submit to receive this accursed coin, or any other that shall be liable to these objections, until they shall be forced upon me by a law of my own country; and if that shall ever happen, I will transport myself into some foreign land, and eat the bread of poverty among a free people. Am I legally punishable for these expressions? shall another proclamation issue against me because I presume to take my country's part against William Wood where her final destruction is intended? But whenever you shall please to impose silence upon me I will submit, because I look upon your unanimous voice to be the voice of the nation; and this I have |