"We will show 'the August Tribunal,'" said Ashley in committee, "just how little its Dred Scott decision amounts to." This remark did not please the "moderates," among them William A. Wheeler of New York, afterward vicepresident.

On Feb. 11, 1863, Ashley reported a bill for the organization of Montana as a territory. It was passed May 3d following. When he suggested the name to Senator Sumner, that fine scholar demanded, "Where did you get that name?"

"It is a Latin name meaning mountainous."

"There is no such word."

"O, yes there is," and Ashley found it and showed it to the learned senator. So "Montana" became the name of a great infant commonwealth.

Later Ashley reported bills for Nevada, Nebraska and Colorado. Bills were also reported which never became law for the organization of territories under the names of "Shoshone" and "Lenawa."

In 1862 he had a hard fight on re-election. The ill-success of the military campaign sharpened the natural conservative dislike of his radicalism, and a "Union" candidate in the person of M. R. Waite, a conservative republican, afterward the Chief Justice, appeared against him. Waite was endorsed by the democrats. But Ashley seeing that his only chance lay in the division of his opponents, persuaded a democrat to enter the field also, and a very hot canvass ensued. While it was in full blast the Emancipation Proclamation appeared, which put Ashley in line of the Administration and took the wind out of the sails of the conservative republicans. Waite was now obliged to claim that he was "as good an anti-slavery man as Ashley," and his candidacy lost its moral force. Seeing this, Ashley did every thing he could in the last weeks of the canvass to strengthen Waite's vote in Toledo, knowing that the real danger was

then the election of the democrat. These sharp tactics were successful. The vote in Toledo was so overwhelmingly for Waite that for several hours he thought he was elected, but in fact he was third in the race. From this campaign it clearly appears that Ashley could do some very fine political work on occasion; although in general he was lacking in tact and political strategy, having too little sympathy with the slow way in which men's minds move.

In 1864 he was opposed by Gen. A. V. Rice of Ottawa, a gallant soldier who had lost both legs in the service, and who was carried around the district on a stretcher. It was a painful thing to make a campaign against so fine and brave a man. Gen. Rice had a majority of the home vote, but his comrades in arms with a keener sense of the necessity of voting for one who could be depended on to support any war measure, however radical, cast so great a vote for Ashley that he was re-elected.

CHAPTER IV.

THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT.

We have now come to the grand story of the abolition of slavery in America by the adoption of the thirteenth amendment to the constitution.

During the early years of the war many resolutions were introduced into Congress on the subject of slavery. Although it was a subject of which politicians were naturally afraid, inasmuch as they could hardly touch it without the alieniation of some part of the excited mass of public opinion in the North, yet its fascination was not to be overcome as it was the real center of the storm, around which all revolved. Brave men, therefore, in Congress and out, continually sought a remedy by attacking what "all felt, somehow, to be the cause of the war."

In his address before the Ohio Society of New York, delivered in 1890, Gov. Ashley gave a detailed account of the course of events leading to the adoption of the thirteenth amendment. We cannot do better than to quote his own words, which give by far the most vivid and circumstantial account that the writer has ever seen of this great event.

"During the first session of Congress, after Mr. Lincoln became President, I introduced a bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. It contained but one short section, and simply enacted 'that slavery, or involuntary servitude, should cease in the District of Columbia from and after the passage of this act.' I sent it to the Committee on the District of Columbia, of which I was a member, and Roscoe Conkling, of New York, was chairWhen the bill was read in the District Committee, it was by common consent referred to me, as a sub-committee

man.

of one. The excitement and indignation which that bill caused in the District Committee, and the undisguised disgust entertained for me personally by the pro-slavery members of the committee, would be amusing now, but it was a matter of serious moment then."

"I felt certain that a majority of that committee did not intend to let me report that bill or any other of like character to the House for a vote. As soon as it was known that I had the matter in charge, by direction of the District Committee Mr. Chase sent for me, and discussed the proposition which I had introduced, and suggested instead, a bill which should compensate the "loyal slave owners" by paying them a "ransom," which should not exceed $300.00 a head for each slave, and enforced his argument by adding that Mr. Lincoln was seriously considering the practicability of compensating the border states if they would take the initiative and emancipate their slaves, and he added, "I want you to see the President, and if possible, prepare a bill which will command the necessary votes of both houses of Congress, and the active support of the Administration."

"I saw the President next day and went over the ground with him, substantially as I had with Mr. Chase, and finally agreed that I would ask for the appointment of a Senator on the part of the Senate District Committee to unite with me to frame a bill, which the Senate and House Committees would report favorably, and which should have the President's approval, and the support of as many of the representatives from the border states as we could induce to vote, 'to initiate emancipation,' as Mr. Lincoln expressed it."

"Fortunately for the success of the compensation policy the Senate District Committee designated as that subcommitteeman, Lot M. Morrell, of Maine, to confer with me and prepare such a bill as Mr. Lincoln and Chase had outlined."

"After several meetings a bill was finally agreed upon