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apprehensive of promoting civilization at the expense of virtue and happiness: but, if the laws, constitutions, customs, prejudices, manners, pursuits, of one people, be more desirable than those of another, what will be the consequence of association? All the advantages which the virtuous nation derived from its local institutions will gradually lessen, and finally disappear.

Ancient lawgivers studied the nature of man, and formed his mind to virtue and glory; but the founders of modern republics think mind a together unworthy of their attention: they take no measures to prevent the existence of vice, but suppose they have fulfilled their duty, when they inflict punishment on the vicious.

What wouldest thou think of a physician, to whom some prince had committed the care of the health of his subjects, who, instead of recommending temperance and exercise, and using every means in his power to prevent the existence of disease; instead of watching the approaches of distemper, and administering, in good time, the necessary remedy; should encourage the objects of his care in every species of excess, and pay no attention whatever to the causes or progress of indisposition; but when the patient should become absolutely incurable would order his head to be taken off by an attendant?-Such is the conduct of modern legislators: they never attempt to form the mind; to give a salutary direction to its energies; to implant the seeds of honor, patriotism, friendship, heroism; to awaken in the breast a love of glory,and stir up the sparks of noble ambition. No: they permit every species of vice to flourish until it have taken such deep root in society, that it cannot be extirpated. What then? The sapient legislators assemble and make a law against this destructive vice: and in obedience to this law, the sword of justice is sent forth to destroy those members of the community who are most deeply infected with the prevailing distemper: a distemper which, if the government had done its duty, would never have existed. Another vice becomes universal; and another law is made against the vicious. Crimes are multiplied, and laws are multiplied also; until men lose the idea of right and wrong in that of lawful and unlawful: and however base, perfidious and unjust their conduct may be, they account themselves "good men and true" if they do not incur the penalty of the law.

It is amusing to hear those, who thrive by the vices and follies of others, and fatten on the corruptions of society, boast of their civilization and adduce the multiplicity of their laws as a proof of their refinement. Whereas, in truth, the multiplicity of their laws proves nothing but the multiplicity of their crimes.

Frank. Is it not true, that savages have but few laws, and that civilized nations have many? And does not this arise from multifarious businesses and diversified relations on the one hand, and from sameness of life and restricted intercourse on the other?

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laws. Yet we hear the wisest among you boasting of your multiplied statutes: as well might the captive be proud of his chains, or the slave of the whip suspended over his shoulders! But we are also told that your laws are just: and of that you are vain were the laws unjust, something might be inferred, from that circumstance, in your favor; but as they are just, you must be unjust. Thou shalt not steal, was a very just law: but it proves there were thieves among the Jews.

Frank. Dost thou suppose that the founders of the American republic should have imitated the conduct of those sages of antiquity to whom thou hast alluded?

Piomingo. As far as it might have been practicable, they certainly ought. They should have formed such regulations as would have had a tendency to give a national character to the people of the United States. They should have instituted a grand national system of education, and breathed the spirit of virtuous republicanism into the rising generation. They should have instituted schools, gymnasia, games, festivals. They should have made it their primary concern to raise citizens for the only republic on earth. They should have considered the youth of both sexes as belonging to the nation, and have taken care that the offspring of the indigent should not be brutalized by drudgery, nor that of the opulent ruined by indulgence. They should have distinguished excellence by honorary rewards and desirable privileges,and have rendered indolence avarice, and selfishness, contemptible. Indeed, any institution, which would have created nationality, would have been attended with an infinity of advantages.

But nothing of this nature was attempted: they legislated concerning exports and imports, offices and salaries. They thought nothing worth their attention but the acquisition and protection of property-the ways and means of getting rich, and the sweets of luxurious enjoyment. No plan of education has been formed; no grand national work has been undertaken; no glorious enterprise has been achieved; nothing daring andimagnanimous has been attempted, which might give the citizens a high opinion of their country, of their government, of themselves; nothing has been thought of which might divert the attention of the citizens from their avarious pursuits; nothing has been imagined which might share the respect which is now paid solely to riches; no-the image of no new God has been set up, which might divide, with Mammon, the adorations of the good people of the United States! What will be the fate of a commonwealth governed by such grovelling sordid statesmen, such intriguing low politicians?-It will become a nation of mercantile adventurers, brokers, shopkeepers, pedlers, usurers, and unprincipled speculators. A mercenary spirit will pervade every part of the community: it will influence the ac tions of the governing and the governed, of the opulent and the indigent, of the wise and the foolish. Sunk in luxurious indolence or groaning under the weight of oppression, cowardly, weak, divided, effeminate, base, the nation will become a prey to the first daring usurper, or ambitious invader.

Piomingo. It is true, that savages have few laws, because they are governed by a system of manners-because they are virtuous: and it is also true, that polished nations have many laws, because their manners are corrupted-because they are vicious. However highly polished a nation might be, however various the relations Frank. We wander from the subject, Piomingo. that might subsist among the individuals com- Plato taught his disciples in the shades of the posing the same, if men were just, there would academy; Epicurus inquired after the sovereign be no necessity for laws-there would be no good in the delicious recesses of a garden; Zeno

instructed his followers in a portico; Aristotle was the father of the walkers; and thon, I suppose, meanest to institute a sect of sleeping philosophers, and give lessons, in thy bed, on indolence of body and tranquility of mind. Thou wilt place the summum bonum in a torpor of the faculties. Wilt thou rise voluntarily or shall I exert a little salutary force, and compel thee to obey my commands? If existence be desirable, why should we cast away the blessing? A man might as well be dead as continually asleep.

Piomingo. (stretching and yawning) Mere existence is by no means desirable: therefore, when I see no prospect of pleasure, I grow weary of life, and resort to that species of temporary death which is vulgarly called sleep. Dead! (yawning) I should like very much to be dead.

Frank. Die then: there is nothing to prevent thee. I will, as a friend, endeavor to facilitate thy escape from this troublesome world: I will furnish thee with a knife, a rope, or a poisoned chalice: I will accompany thee to the brink of a precipice, or to the banks of a stream. Leap boldly and terrestrial affairs will disturb thee no longer.

Piomingo. Thou art very obliging: but, at present, I feel no inclination to trouble thee with commands of that extraordinary nature. For death we may "devoutly wish;" but dying, I apprehend, must be rather disagreeable. How ever, to convince thee of my respect for thy advice, I hasten to extricate myself from the embraces of sloth.

Frank. Thou dost well. Sloth is a most per nicious mistress: she smiles, soothes, seduces, and caresses; but, finally, destroys every one who yields to her blandishments. Though thou wert Samson, thou wilt lose thy strength if thou layest thy head in the lap of this Delilah! Though thou wert Ulysses, thou wilt sink to a state of brutality if thou yield to the solicitations of this Circe! Though thou wert Hercules, thou wilt become contemptible if thou become the slave of this Omphale!

Piomingo. Thou speakest well: but did I not feel an inclination for breakfast, I fancy I should be able to resist the most potent of thy arguments, and withstand thy most ardent solicita

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hear the gospel preached in its purity, and be carefully instructed in the doctrines of grace. Piomingo. What are the doctrines of grace? Frank. We are commanded not to "cast pearls before swine." Wert thou only in a state of grace and honored with a pair of "new-invented patent" spiritual eyes, thou wouldst be able to discover the beauty of these sublime, man-depressing, and God-exalting doctrines Ah! it is a very comfortable thing to be in a state of grace! In that case, my dear Piomingo, thou shouldest not need to be under any apprehensions of being eternally damned: thou mightest venture slyly to indulge those corruptions of thy nature which might not be purged away by the process of regeneration; but thou wouldest have to be careful not to bring reproach upon the godly by thy irregular proceedings. There was David, for instance, the royal nightingale: he made a few false steps in his progress through life; but, be ing one of the elect, his soul was as safe as a guinea in the iron chest of a miser: the Lord never fails to pardon the transgressions of his children.

Piomingo. Thou bringest to my recollection a man greater than David-the fighting, praying, canting, hypocritical, enthusiastic, daring, eruel, magnanimous Cromwel; who murdered his master, and committed a few barbarities in Ireland and Scotland. He inquired, towards the end of his life, if it were certain, that the saints could not fall away and be finally lost. Being answered, that nothing was more certain, he exclaimed with exultation, "Then am I safe for I know that I was in a state of grace!"-I am afraid that these doctrines are unfavorable to the practice of virtue.

Frank. Virtue! Evangelical christians never mention virtue, unless in the way of reproach; it is a heathenish kind of a thing-filthy ragsyea, d*** in the sight of the Lord. Any one who hopes to acquire favor with God by promoting the good of his fellow creatures is regarded by them with the utmost contempt and abhorrence, and stigmatized with the odious epithets of legal ist and moralist. They feel abundance of love and veneration for that being who from all eternity judiciously selected them as the objects of his beneficence; but they look down with ineffable contempt on a reprobate world—“ vessels, of wrath fitted to destruction!" They have a great antipathy against nature and every thing natural, and are continually striving to have it brought into subjection: indeed they have been so far successful as to have brought themselves to think with pleasure of the eternal damnation of a vast majority of mankind. They have constructed a hell, a dreadful hell, in which they hope to see unbelievers eternally punished: Yea, they flatter themselves with the idea that they, the saints, shall be placed on thrones, and will have the sublime happiness of pronouncing the irreversible doom, of never-ending torments, upon impenitent millions: among whom they expect to see reprobate fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, wives and children!

FINIS.

1

IN TWO LETTERS FROM

ANDREW JACKSON,

EXPRESSING FULL CONFIDENCE IN THE PUBLIC MEASURES OF

3 MARTIN VAN BUREN,

AND HIS ENTIRE CONCURRENCE IN THE

DIVORCE

OF

BANK AND STATE.

f.

ALSO Mr. Calhoun's Resolutions, relative to the Constitutional rights of the South on the

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A SLANDER REFUTED.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE NATIONAL UNION.

Sir-A friend in Nashville has sent me however, in this instance, that it has the the Republican Banner of the 19th inst, in authority of a respectable and intelligent which is contained the following remarks: "The President and Ex-President, correspondent, I have felt myself warrantin making this communication on the The old Chief of the Hermitage, himself, subject, in order that the public may not appears to have lost all hope of Mr. Van credit the misrepresentation of my feelings Buren's success in 'treading in the foot and views. If the editors themselves are steps of his illustrious predecessor.' An not the correspondent, it is to be expected intelligent and responsible correspondent that they will name him, and the time communicates the fact that, on his recent when, and the place where, and before visit to Nashville, General Jackson re- whom, in Nashville, the alleged conversamarked, that Mr. Van Buren's administra- tion was held. tion must go down: that he knew that so soon as Mr. V. B. called Congress together in September, and thereby admitted that he possibly might be wrong, his fate was sealed. If he had refused to convene the extraordinary session, he would not now be in a MINORITY. But, said he, although the President must go down, he will fall in a glorious cause. We do not pretend to give the exact words said to have been used on the occasion referred to, but have stated the substance of the remarks."

ANDREW JACKSON. Hermitage, Dec. 21st, 1837.

From the Cincinnati Daily Advertiser.

SLANDER REFUTED. "The old chief of the Hermitage, himself, appears to have lost all hopes of Mr. Van Buren's success in treading in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor.' An intelligent and responsible correspondent communicates the fact, that on his reThis is one of the many fabrications cent visit to Nashville, General Jackson which have been made and circulated by remarked, that Mr. Van Buren's adminis those who control this paper, with the hope tration must go down: that he knew that as of prejudicing my character in the estima- soon as Mr. Van Buren called Congress tion of my countrymen. Neither during together in September, and thereby admitmy late visit to Nashville, nor on any other occasion, have I used any remarks which can justify such a statement. It ascribes to me opinions that I never held, and fears that I never entertained. I never for a moment harbored the thought that the administration of Mr. Van Buren would not be successful. All his official acts manifest his determination to conform his administration to that construction of the constitution which has ever been claimed and sus- Having seen the above extract from a tained by the republican party. Thus far Nashville paper, the day before we rehe has shown, in my judgment, that he has ceived from the "Old Chief of the Hertaken principle for his guide, and aims at mitage," a letter in which he freely exno other object but the public good. It is, presses his sentiments on the measures of therefore, not possible that I could have his successor in office, and those sentiments used any language respecting him, which being so very different from those attributcould create a doubt in the mind of any ed to him, we did suppose that its publicaone as to my confidence in his future suc- tion would be a conclusive refutation of

cess.

It is with regret that I feel called upon to notice the effusions of a press which has been so generally characterized by a disregard of truth, and in respect to myself, by the most gross calumny. As it intimates,

ted that he night possibly be wrong, his fate was sealed: if he had refused to convene the extraordinary session, he would not now be in the MINORITY. But, said he, although the President must go down, he will fall in a GLORIOUS CAUSE. We do not pretend to give the exact words said to have been used on the occasion referred to, but have stated the substance of the remarks."

what we had no doubt was a foul slander, and therefore wrote by the express mail to General Jackson for liberty to publish his letter, which would show to the world that he entertained no such ideas as have been attributed to him by the calumniator, who

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of the old Jeffersonian principles; but they expose also the real objects and true char acter of the Federal party, which is ever vigilant to seize any opportunity that is presented for the recovery of the ground they lost in the establishment of the present constitution, and in the memorable contest of '98 and 1800. Such an oppor tunity was afforded in the present crisis, by the division in the Republican ranks respecting the means which should be immediately adopted to increase the metallic ba sis of our circulating medium and place the government money, or rather the money of the people, in a state of proper security. If this division has thus cost a defeat, may we not hope that it is but temporary, and that it will bring us again, as it has always done before, a solid and lasting victorya victory which will be the result of enlightened co-operation and concert on the part of all true republicans, sacrifieing all minor differences, and rallying as one man to the defence of the great principles which it is the design of the common enemy, the federal party, to overthrow.

avileged ads to abned edt ni biowa bas ever he may be. It gives us great pleasure to state that we have had authority for giving the letter publicity; and as well in confutation of the above slander, as for the importance of the noble sentiments it contains on the present state of the country, we have no doubt it will be read with the deepest interest by every honest democrat into whose hands it may come. to bas After we had written the letter to the Hermitage, as above stated, we saw in the Republican of the next day the disavowal of the General, under his own signature, of his having expressed any such senti ments as contained in the above extract. This we would have published last Saturday, but waited in the hope that we would obtain permission to publish what we conceived would have been itself a complete refutation of the slander, in order that the disavowal and its corroboration should appear together. Our readers therefore have all together in the paper this day, which we have no doubt will be read by them with great pleasure and edification. of old As further corroboration of the implicit confidence placed in the integrity of Mr. I participate with you in the regret exVan Buren by General Jackson, we give pressed at the attitude occupied by Mr. here a short extract from a letter of his, Rives and Mr. Ritchie, in the present condated the 31st of August last, before the test. None of however, doubt their meeting of Congress in the extra session good intentions, and feel confident that they This letter was received the very day on which we received the President's message. The extract is in these words: "I have no doubt that the President's message will be full and strong, and meet the wishes of all his friends, on the subject of the entire separation of the government from all Banks as a repository of the public reve nue." In this letter, which was not a short one, there was not a word against calling the extra session of Congress, or expressive of any doubt that Mr. Van Buren would not be fully sustained in his measures by the American people. bis or lub isogel HERMITAGE, December 17, 1837., oe Dear Sir

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Your letter of the 4th instant has been for some days before me, but it has not been in my power to reply to it earlier than the present moment.shaar anfieisha

In relation to the aspect of public affairs which to some of our friends appears unfavorable to the hope of effecting an early separation of the fiscal operation of the treasury from the agency of banks, state and national, I see nothing that should be get despair, or induce us to retrace our steps or relax our exertions. The recent elec tions in New York manifest, it is true, some supineness on the part of those who have heretofore sustained the ascendency

will soon see that nothing good is to be attained by a further struggle for the restoration of the connection between the Banks and the Treasury. After the treachery of the Banks to the Government, it will be vain to suppose that the people can ever be induced to acquiesce in their employment again as public depositories. What secuity can we have that they will not always suspend payment when those who control and make money out of them, will find it their interest to do so? Let it be borne in mind that the recent suspension occurred at a time of profound peace with all foreign nations, when our exhaustless resources were all in successful operation, and then let us consider what would have been the consequences if such an event had happened in a critical state of war. The Banks, in such an exigency, would have held the sinews of war, without responsibility to the General Government. Managed as they now are by those who use them as instruments of profit, they would have been unable, even if willing, to meet the demand of the public necessity. Is it reasonable to suppose that the people can acquiesce in the idea of trusting the public defence to such corporations? Rest assured they never will, and those who are so unfortunate as to entertain that idea, will

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