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palace with bullies and assassins. France, the restoration of the old BourBons brought with it executions, exiles, persecutions, infringement of chartered liberties, and war upon every liberal idea. Here, in our own America, we have constitutional guarantees for the protection of personal rights; but of what avail against the passions and the power of party, let the fate of President Jackson-adjudged unheard by his enemies on this floor-convicted of an impeachable offence without the form of a trial-let his fate tel! Yes, sir! restorations, of all Governments, are the most odious and intolerable. No country has been able, in modern times, to endure one of them. The English chased off the Stuarts; the French chased away the od Bourbons. What sort of Government should we have, in these United States, under the restored dominion of the Federal party, so violent in Mr. Jefferson's time, and so much more furious now? What sort of a National Bank would that institution make which is now boiling over with vengeance against every Republican who has not "crooked the pliant hinges of the knee" to its divinity? Imagination shudders at the thought of seeing the po

litical and the peruniary power of this Union, fall into the hands of such a party, and such a bank.

Is their restoration probable? I think rot. Temporary and partial success, the delusive fruit of terror and deception, may gild their banners for a while. They may carry some counties, some cities, some States. They may continue to exult in the issue of some local elections, as they have done heretofore. But to succeed in the main object-to carry the Presidential chair in 1840-that I hold to be impossible. I go upon my knowledge of the American people. I know them to be for their country, and believe that they can never elevate to power the party which builds its elevation upon the calamities, the humiliations, and the misfortunes of their country. They can never elevate to power the party which in every contest, foreign and domestic, is found on the wrong side of the questionon the side of the British, the French, the Indians, the Mexicans, the non-resuming banks, and the shin plasters., Such a party cannot succeed; and I announce to them their fate in advance- -a Jackson defeat for the month of November, one thousand eight hundred and forty.

TO THE FARMERS, LABORERS AND MECHANICS OF THE NON-SLAVEHOLDING

STATES.

The late events in Philadelphia, taken in connection with certain political and Abolition movements, ought to arouse your attention to two very important questions in which you are most deeply interested. We claim no particular right to give counsel;-but we would yet say a lew words to you in soberness, and with the sincerest desire to advance your welfare and happiness. The two questions to which we allude are:First-What is the motive that stimulates, and the end contemplated by these Abolition crusaders? Second-What are the political relations of this crusade; and how must the two combined operate finally on your interests and your character?

As to the first question, we have this to say. Many of the rank and file of the Abolitionists are, perhaps, honest in their views; but from ignorance or a morbid state of religious feeling, they have been made the dupes of more designing and far-sighted men. The wealthier classes who have originated this crusade,-who patronize it by their countenance, and sustain it by their contributions, have objects in view that claim no kindred with the emancipation of the slave. So far as their sympathies are concerned the fetters might rest upon his joints, and his manacles clank forever. They are men who live upon your labor-and are entrenched behind corporate immunities and exclusive privileges. Their fortunes lie in bank and other stocks:-which, hour by hour, are increasing from contributions unjustly levied on the fruits of your labor. They live and luxuriate on this involuntary tribute sternly exacted from the sweat of your brows. To depreciate the value of your labor;-and to degrade you into the condition of menials, are the great objects in view. The lower you sink in the scale, the higher they raise; the poorer you are made, the richer they become.

Can you doubt this? Look at the recent events in Philadelphia. Look at the resolutions lately adopted by the anti-slavery society. At the late meeting in Pennsylvania Hall you beheld men of wealth and influence in society, with their wives and daughters promiscuously herding with the blacks, and parading the streets, arm in arm with these, sable gallants, in your very faces! Would they have vouch-safed this honor to you, or to your wives and daughters? No, they would have scorned your contact as contamination it self? They would have spurned you and your children from their doors, as foul and filthy things, while they would have received these blacks with open arms, and led them up to the highest seats at their tables. And why? Because they desire to degrade your character, and fit you to become their menials aud slaves. It is not love for these blacks, but hate towards you that prompts their condescension. They know that if they can sink you, in public estimation, to the level of these runaways, you must become an easy prey, and hereafter be "hewers of wood and drawers of water" to them.

Observe for a moment. Suppose they succeed in their schemes of emancipation; or, by their incendiary proceedings, compel the slave-holding

States, in self-defence, to throw off their free black population on you-what will be the consequence? Why' they will immediately enter into competition with you, and put down the wages of your labor to the lowest point. Degraded as they are, and living partly by stealth, they can afford to labor at one-fourth of your present wages. Then what becomes of you? Why, obviously, you must sink down to their level. The practical operation of the whole scheme-its inevitable effect, must be to humble, degrade and beggar you. Your character and your labor must go down to the level of this black standard. You must come down from your station of honor and independence and herd with this hireling legion of runaways and thieves. You must take them as companions-your wives must minister to, and your daughters must marry them. And who will gain from this, your state of degrada· tion and poverty? Need we tell you? Are you so blind as to perceive that these millionariesthese priviliged corporators, monopolists and stock-jobbers. who now, by means of partial and unjust legislation, are fattening on your labor, would absorb all the fruits of your toil? Just as they succeed in sinking the wages of your labor, by the same process, and in the same proportion, they succeed in raising the profits of their stocks. Just as they succeed in humbling and degrading you, by the same process, and in the same proportion, they succeed in elevating and aggrandizing themselves. And stand you with folded arms while this fatal work is going on? Do you loiter idly on the verge of the precipice, waiting to be thrust over? The serpent is winding his coils around you; and Hercules himself, had he slept as you sleep, had never faced the Nemean lion or crushed the Lernian Hydra.

In regard to the political relations of this subject, and its direct bearing on your interests, the solution is not less distinct and odious. The Federal party is, and ever has been a party of corporators, monopolists, stock jobbers and money dealers of every kind and complexion;-men who live upon the labor of others. They are, and ever have been, the friends and advocates of exclusive privileges;- and hence their constant effort to extend the powers of the Government by implica tion, so as to enable them to make it minister to their avarice and ambition. They are the lineal descendants of the Tory party in England, (and elsewhere,) who have managed, by legislation, to monopolize the wealth and property of the country; and are ever grinding into dust, the perishing operatives of every class. A distinguished writer has declared that in Great Britain, "every other man you meet is a pauper." And why? Be cause labor, under the operation of their system of exclusive privileges, has been crushed by capital. Unmuzzle the cx that treadeth out the corn,' said Mr. Randolph to one of their statesmen who enquired of him what should be done to relieve the poor. But they would not, and never will, until the swords of a perishing people shall flash in their faces. Instead of removing the burden from productive labor, the are sending over to our shores their surplus pauper population, to enter

into competition with you, retaining only such a portion as is sufficient to minister, as so many slaves, to their pride, avarice and profusion. Identical in principle and policy is the system adopted by the Federal party in this country. They would cover the land with charters and exclusive privileges; and in these, and on them, lay the foundations of a moneyed aristocracy, which would grind labor into the dust. They would, by law, under the pretext of the general welfare, make the productive classes of this country minister to their avarice. They would depreciate the wages of labor to the lowest ebb, in order to raise the profits of stock. But for our extensive western domain, which furnished you a refuge from their exactions, and prevented that competition among you which would otherwise necessarily have taken place, they would have crushed you long ago. They saw this plainly, and one of their leaders in the Senate of the United States in 1830, introduced a resolution to stop the sales of the public lands, in order to close the door upon you to dam you up, and bring the money power to bear upon you. You were for escaping out of their clutches, and they were for holding you back. Had they succeeded, (and the whole party sustained the proposition) you would before this have felt the stern bondage of a moneyed oligarchy

But although baffled in this effort, they have never ceased to press their favorite policy--We must have banks, State and Federal; we must have charters and privileged monopolies; we must have paper money without limit; and thus give to actual capital ten times its amount in artificial credit. The moneyed aristocracy of this country is not content with the employment of their capital only in the contest with labor; but they must have the exclusive privilege of using their credit also to ten times the amount of their actual capi

tal; and the Government must create and give them this credit, and labor must pay for it, and the people must receive it as money!!

These are the plans of the Federal party;-and you will at once see how naturally they coalesce with the Abolitionists as a party. Both are running for the same th ng under different namesand both are equally dangerous to you.-If they succeed, you are inevitably crushed to the earth. They will,--they have combined together for your destruction, as well as ours. They are leagu ed together by the indissoluble bonds of inter est,---of avarice and of ambition. To make labor tributary to capital is the object of both ---The one seeks to depreciate and degrade it, by the introduction of black competitors---the other seeks to secure to capital the advantages of this depreciation, by using the powers of Government in building up monopolies, and granting exclusive privileges. The very rewards offered by Gover nor Ritner of Pennsylvania for the apprehension of those who were concerned in breaking up the nest of Abolitionists in Philadelphia, must be paid by the laboring classes, the productive industry of the State-whose interests these very Abolitionists are striving to postrate. Thus political power in the hands of the Federal party, comes in aid of its ally,-and compells labor to bear the expenses of its own sacrifice. The victim must carry the faggots, build the pile, and apply the brand that must consunie him!

Farmers, laborers, and mechanics of the North! We solemnly warn you against this combination between Abolitionists and Federalists-the Beast and Dragon, that have risen but to destroy. If you know your own interests-or love your coun try, you will meet them with fire in one hand and faggots in the other;---nor rest until you have driven them from your borders.

Washington Chronicle.

IN ANSWER TO THE QUESTION:

WHETHER DOES THE PRINCIPLE OF COMPETITION,
WITH SEPARATE INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS;

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THE PRINCIPLE OF UNITED EXERTIONS, WITH NO
COMBINED AND EQUAL INTERESTS;

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THE MOST SECURE BASIS FOR THE F FORMATION jaks sal borada insanpo- the OF SOCIETY

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A PRIZE of 10%. was offered by J. M. MORGAN, Esq. for the best Essay on the question: "Whether does the principle of Competition," &c. to be competed for by Members of the London Mechanics' Institution: the following Essay proved successful. Had it depend. ed on myself it would never have heen offered to public notice, my opinion would have led me to "put it under a bushel;" that it is published is owing to the kindness of one whose indulgent eye has magnified its merits, and diminished its defects. As it must now be judged by a more severe tribunal, I take this opportunity of requesting the reader to remember, that this is not the production of one who, with his study-door closed on the cares of the world, can amply collect and digest information on the subject of his enquiry, and arrange and mature his ideas at leisure. This Essay was written at the close of an apprenticeship, when fourteen hours of each daily twenty-four, were passed in close application to a business which will not permit of undivided attention-that of a Mathematical Instrument Maker-the time, therefore, which could be devoted to a task like the present, must necessarily be snatched from those hours which rest or recreation demand. I beg of the reader, therefore, every indulgence which such circumstances can deserve.

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