was prevalent throughout Europe that in that year the awful predictions contained in the twentieth chapter of the Apocalypse were destined to be accomplished, and that the generation then living would witness the final judgment of the world. So great was the excitement, and so extravagant the consequent fanaticism, that the wheels of commerce stood still, tradesmen forsook their merchandise, students their books, and multitudes resigning their estates into the hands of the church, retired into convents, to prepare with due solemnity for the expected event. So sudden and vast an accession of wealth must have greatly strengthened the power of the bishops and clergy throughout Europe; and had Sylvester been ever so strongly inclined to introduce beneficial alterations, it is probable he would have utterly failed at so unpropitious a time. His life was, however, so shortly terminated, that he had little opportunity of displaying either his genius or his intentions. He died in 1003; and the death of Otho ш., at almost the same time, occasioned an entire revolution in Italian affairs, and changed into a phase yet darker, if possible, the foul and lowering aspect of the Roman church. CHAPTER XX. HEIGHT OF ANARCHY IN THE STATE, AND PROFLIGACY DEGENERATE as were the Italians of the Middle Ages, compared with their renowned and warlike ancestors, the spirit of liberty had never wholly departed, and had, perhaps, received new life from the admixture of the Lombard and Gothic population with the ancient inhabitants of the land. The yoke of a transalpine emperor was always felt to be galling, and a moment of weakness in the imperial government was sure to be seized for erecting the standard of independence. Such an occasion presented itself on the death of Otho III., when the Germans were much divided in the choice of a successor; and Henry II., who was eventually elected, found full occupation for many years in suppressing the factions of his rivals. Left thus to themselves, the nobles of Italy recommenced those struggles for freedom which had ceased since the time of Otho I., and nothing but internal disorganization could have prevented Italy from acquiring an independent sovereign of its own. But many causes combined to hinder this desirable result. feudal system had taught the nobles independence of each other, and now they were more eager for individual greatness than anxious for their country's welfare. The policy of Otho I. had The also been directed to the dissolving of the bonds of connexion between these powerful nobles, whose union would have made them formidable to the safety of the empire. To humble the barons and the bishops, he had given charters of freedom to many cities, and even permitted them to surround themselves with walls and fortifications. Each of these, thus transformed into a petty state, was selfishly expending for its own aggrandisement the resources that ought to have been devoted to the common weal. Venice was commencing, with all the ardour of youth, her career of commerce and conquest. Naples and other seaports strengthened their own power in their efforts to resist the piratical Saracens and Normans. Florence, Milan, Pavia, and other inland towns, had built up their walls, and armed a militia to repel the attacks of the Hungarians. So that, although Ardoin, the marquis of Ivrea, on being elected king by some of the northern nobles, was able to maintain the title and style of a monarch for some years, he never gained the support of the nation, and his forces were easily routed when the new emperor found leisure, in the year 1014, to quit his German dominions and march into Italy. But although Henry II. then enjoyed the honour of being crowned before a Roman assembly, and by pontifical hands, he did not greatly interfere in ecclesiastical matters, which were thus abandoned for a long time to the unscrupulous selfishness of a venal priesthood. The popes who ruled Rome in this interval of discord were all of them the mere nominees and creatures of such nobles or popular leaders as held for the moment the predominant power in this miserable and distracted city. Whatever genius or ability they had was, doubtless, exhausted in their endeavours to maintain some shadow of authority in the midst of domestic squabbles. It need occasion us no sort of regret that history records nothing but the names of JOHN XVII,, JOHN XVIII., and SERGIUS IV., the last of whom died in 1012. The power of the counts of Tusculum, a barony in the neighbourhood of the city, was now paramount at Rome, and the next occupants of the papal chair were accordingly taken from among their partisans. The first of these was BENEDICT VIII., whose reign was distracted by domestic quarrels, and by frequent invasions of the Greeks and Saracens. Dying in 1024, he was succeeded by his brother, who was also of the Tusculan party. JOHN XIX., as the new pontiff was styled, had never been a priest at all; but being senator and duke of Rome, it was easy for him to seize on an office which, though sacred in name, had long ceased to be so in fact. Yet it was necessary to gain over the clergy, and this was quickly accomplished by extensive and unblushing bribery. An office so obtained was not likely to be esteemed for its own sake, and this soon appeared in John's conduct respecting it. He only valued the popedom for the worldly advancement which it promised him, and if it did not answer this end it would hardly cost him a sigh to part with it for a better prize. The authority of the popes was daily on the decline; and so uncertain a remuneration, held on such dangerous terms, quickly induced the mercenary pontiff to form the design of selling his office to the highest bidder; and he accordingly entered into engagements with the Greek emperor, Basil, to transfer to the Greek patriarch the title of "Universal bishop," on condition of receiving a large sum of money in return. A visit of the emperor Conrad II. to Rome, in 1026, was in all probability the cause of this engagement remaining unfulfilled. The disorders of Italy brought across the Alps that worthy successor of Otho the Great; and after the ceremony of coronation had been performed, Conrad laid down such stringent regulations, both for the nobles and the clergy, as insured the return of order, at least for a season. On the death of John, in 1033, the counts of Tusculum, still in the ascendant, had the audacity to elevate to the vacant chair a boy of their own family, not twelve years of age, to whom they gave the name of BENEDICT IX. It is hard, indeed, to determine to which of the titles ordinarily chosen by the popes should be awarded precedence for baseness of reputation; but perhaps, in the person of this monster, the name of Benedict has attained to that disgraceful pre-eminence. As soon as Benedict had arrived on the verge of manhood, he recklessly |