France, to take possession of his new and loftier honours. As he passed from city to city, he had convincing, and to him most gratifying evidence, that the tide of popular opinion had now fully turned in favour of papal independence. In every place, he was saluted by the applause of the people, while magistrates and nobles escorted him on his journey with more than royal state. At Rome, he was received in the same spirit, for the citizens of all ranks, wearied with domestic brawls, were hopeful that so distinguished a man would not only dignify his own seat, but bring peace and comfort to their distracted homes. The anti-pope of the imperial party, Gregory VIII., who had hitherto occupied the Vatican, and presided over the ecclesiastical affairs of at least one-half of Christendom, now fled hastily in despair. But he was quickly pursued, and when overtaken, was ignominiously brought back to Rome. He was seated on a camel with his face towards the tail, clothed in the skin of a newly-slain sheep, in mock imitation of the pontifical robes, and after parading the streets amid the insults of the mob and the triumph of his opponents, was immured in a convent for the rest of his life.

The emperor, Henry v., appears to have been fully aware of the growing strength of the papacy, and he accordingly made proposals for reconciliation, which Calixtus was too wise to reject. To ratify these proposals, the emperor met the pontiff's legates in the city of Worms in 1122. Great preparations were made for so

important an occasion. So extensive was the interest excited by the termination of a struggle that had caused so much dissension and bloodshed, that multitudes flocked to the city, and pavilions were erected for the interview on the plain between the city and the Rhine, where Charlemagne, in former days, had held the diets of the empire, and given laws alike to soldier, layman, and priest.

In the presence of this vast concourse, Henry signed a declaration that he renounced for ever from that day the imperial claims of supremacy over the church; "resigning to God, to his holy apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and to the holy Catholic church, all investiture by ring and crozier, and leaving to all churches the liberty of canonical election and free consecration." The legates, on behalf of the pope, signed a document, "granting to his beloved son, Henry, that the election of bishops and abbots should be made in the royal presence, and that the person elected might be admitted to the civil dignities of his office by the delivery of a sceptre, and for this might perform homage." The emperor was then formally absolved and released from the papal interdict, and the convention broke up, as we are told, amidst general rejoicings.

The very tone of this treaty is sufficient to indicate the altered relations now occupied by the principal parties concerned. It is the emperor who resigns, it is the pontiff who grants. And though concessions were appa

rently made on both sides, it must be remembered that the emperor conceded what he had inherited from Charlemagne, but the pope only the most extravagant part of claims which had never been heard of till the last few years.

CHAPTER IX.

POPE AND ANTI-POFE—ABELARD AND ARNOLD OF BRESCIA —ST. BERNARD AND THE SECOND CRUSADE.

A.D. 1122-1155.

POPE CALIXTUS II. died soon after the conclusion of these long-continued disputes, and was succeeded by HONORIUS II., whose short pontificate was much disturbed by the tumults of civil war, mainly excited by the Normans of the south, and which resulted in no addition to the power of the papacy, if its influence was not materially weakened. On the death of Honorius, in 1130, a furious contest once more commenced for the honours of the popedom.

One of the expedients devised by Hildebrand, and executed in the pontificate of Nicholas I., for the consolidation of papal power, was the limiting the right of election to the college of cardinals. But it was now to be shown that even the conclave could be divided against itself. One party elected the cardinal Gregory, under the title of INNOCENT II., while the rest supported the claims of Peter, the son of a Roman prince, who assumed the name of ANACLETUS II. And thus Rome was once more

favoured with a divided sovereignty in both church and state. Each of the popes found supporters abroad as well as at home. The Norman duke, Roger, took part with Anacletus, who, in return, crowned him at Palermo as king of Sicily and Apulia. The emperor Lothaire espoused the opposite side, and Innocent, fleeing from Italy, was received with pontifical honours at the imperial court, and recompensed the favour by crowning Lothaire as king of the Romans in the city of Liège. It was owing, however, to the influence of the famous St. Bernard, whose reputation was then rapidly rising in France, that Innocent proved so successful. The election of Anacletus was undoubtedly as legal as that of his rival, but Bernard, regarding Innocent as the better man, used his most strenuous exertions to have him acknowledged as pope. His efforts prevailed, first with the French king, and with a council of French prelates, convened at Etampes, and afterwards with Henry 1., king of England, who was then on a visit to his estates in Normandy.

Anacletus, notwithstanding, maintained his position in Italy, and the emperor, partly to prove his sincerity in Innocent's cause, but still further incited by ambition, made repeated expeditions through that unhappy country, filling it with all the horrors of continual war. The death of Anacletus, in 1138, terminated the strife, and left Innocent in undisputed possession of the coveted prize; but a rivalry of such long endurance-a brace of popes, both

canonically chosen, both issuing bulls and conferring episcopal offices-would appear to damage rather seriously (if so weak a cause could suffer damage at all) the absurd pretence of direct apostolical succession. The only remarkable incidents in the brief remainder of Innocent's reign were the persecutions carried on against those two celebrated men, pioneers of the advancing spirit of inquiry, Abelard, and his pupil, Arnold of Brescia.

Romantic as were the events of Abelard's early life, they had not prevented his devoting himself with unconquerable ardour to the pursuit of learning. And when, afterwards, he commenced lecturing at St. Denis, the youth of France crowded around him, astonished at the boldness with which he handled doctrines which had hitherto been received with implicit credit, because sanctioned by the authority of the fathers. The vehemence with which he attacked the monastic orders for their licentious habits, had already aroused vindictive feelings in that class of the clergy, when his free expression of new opinions gave umbrage to that sedater portion of whom St. Bernard was the representative.

That remarkable man, whose piety was tainted by a narrow and fanatical spirit, openly accused Abelard of heretical teaching, and when challenged to a public disputation, considered he had advanced quite satisfactory evidence of the charge, when he had placed the doctrines of his opponent by the side of those of the Fathers.