nature to contribute a vast commerce toward that channel. Ten years would not elapse after the establishment of a free government in Greece, before a canal would be cut from Sarepta on the Wolga (already an immense depot), to the nearest point of the Don; and by this canal, not only would a communication to the Grecian sea be opened with the commerce of the whole country drained by the Wolga, but to that also which connects with the Caspian, and centres at Astrachan. Pursue the circuit of the Euxine from the outlet of the Sea of Azof, and the Kuban brings into it the produce of Georgia and Caucasus; to this succeeds the southern shore of the Black Sea, less known by its modern Turkish geography, than by its ancient names of Armenia, Pontus, and Bithynia, the seat of some of the richest states of the old world; then follow Anatolia and Syria; Egypt, and the countries drained by the Nile; the north of Africa, and the European coasts of the Me literranean, the Levant, and the Adriatic. These are the regions, to whose commerce a free state in Greece would have direct access; besides its proportionate share of the remoter general commerce of the world, and the peculiar advantages of an over-land trade with the East.

The growth of a state thus favourably situated for commerce would be a direct benefit to every other commercial state. Nothing is more true in commerce, than that the gain of one is the gain of all. The advantages of commerce rest not on the loss of the other party, but on the mutual benefit of both. When population increases, in a free state, the customers of all the other free states thereby increase. Where resources multiply and develope themselves, in one country, the demand for the commodities of every other country, and the means of paying for them, are multiplied in equal proportion. There is no danger of rivalry here. It is an advantage to have rivals; for this leads to industry, frugality, and enterprise, and these are the roads to prosperity and wealth. The English statesmen in 1775, who were willing to foresee in America the germ of another maritime and commercial power, foreboded injurious consequences to their own interests. Who does not know that no event ever happened to England, which has been more beneficial to her than our independence.

This, however, is a narrow view of the causes for sympathizing with the Greeks, as a people destined to extend the circuit of profitable commercial intercourse. Advanced civilization is the first-born child of commerce. The erection

of a free state in Greece, connected with the civilized states of the earth by the bonds of a mutually beneficial trade, must be the first step towards the return of her ancient civilization to its primitive seats. Greece, Asia Minor, Syria,-are these the proper abodes of barbarity and despotism? Is it to be admitted as a fixed necessity of the political system of the modern world, that countries so well adapted by nature to be the habitation of man in the happiest condition consistent with human imperfection, should forever henceforth present the shocking spectacle which they now exhibit? And how is the change to be brought about? Gradually, no doubt; and in the application of those means which every where else have produced the desired effects,-the establishment of a government of laws, and the consequent security of property and growth of trade. Commerce is an instinct of our nature. Dr Smith would even make the trucking principle final and primitive in our constitutions. But there is one beyond it, from which it flows, the love of happiness, and of the comforts enjoyments, and luxuries, which contribute, or are supposed to contribute, to our happiness. These, it is found, in the very first result of social experience, cannot be obtained without a government by laws, which shall afford security in the acquisition, possession, and transfer of the fruits of industry. Again, the acquisition of the means of supplying our wants and desires is promoted by various improvements in the arts and in knowledge: hence science is cultivated, and intellectual progress is made. Next, the opulence acquired, seeks, in the operation of other natural principles, to exhibit itself advantageously, and to win applause; and hence the patronage afforded, and the demand created, for the beautiful productions of the fine arts. Lastly, it is found that honesty, virtue, and law are the only rule, by which the immensely complicated interests that have grown up in this improved state of things, can be administered, and, therefore, moral principle is made, in all things, to be the guide and arbitress of private and public action. We state this only as the natural progress of civilization; to which partial exceptions, greater or less, exist in different civilized countries; but to which also the condition of all such countries more or less conforms.

[To be concluded in our next.]

Outlines of the Principal Events in the Life of General Lafayette. Boston. 1825. 8vo. pp. 64.

THIS memoir was first published in the North American Review. The author, Mr George Ticknor, one of the Professors in Harvard University, has since corrected it in some of its facts, and enlarged it by the addition of others. It is now published in the form of a pamphlet, and it comes before the the public with a degree of authenticity, on which they may safely rely. The memoir is peculiarly acceptable to the American people," at the present time, and in its present form;-at the present time, because the whole nation have felt deeply, and do still feel deeply, the presence of their illustrious benefactor;-in its present form, because all wish to learn the interesting facts of his life from an authentic source; and many will now have an opportunity to learn them, who otherwise might not. We may add, morever, that this simple narrative of the principal events in the life of General Lafayette is the more grateful to us, because it presents him in some of the most interesting and trying situations, which he has been called to sustain. And no man has passed through more reverses of fortune, and been called, in the course of them, to sustain more important relations, in the most critical times, than General Lafayette. Is is more grateful still, because it places his character, as connected with some of the most important events of the age, in so many attitudes, and in such strong relief,-all consistent with each other, and all conspiring to bring home the conviction and the sanction of reason, to feelings which before existed.

These "Outlines," as the title purports, embrace only a part of the facts and events in the life of General Lafayette. But they are some of the most interesting and important. We cannot give our readers an analysis of the pamphlet, because the subject does not admit of analysis. It is a narrative of facts, and a description of events. And we could not relate the one, or describe the other, in fewer words than have been used in the book. Without attempting, therefore, to trace the same outlines which Mr Ticknor has traced, or to fill up those outlines with collateral information and reflections of our own, we shall select a few of the most striking and important events described in the pamphlet, and give them to our readers in Mr Ticknor's own words.

Many yet live who remember, and all know from history, the desponding situation of the American colonies in 1777. It was at this critical time, that Lafayette first arrived in our country.

The sensation produced by his appearance in this country was, of course, much greater than that produced in Europe by his departure. It still stands forth, as one of the most prominent and important circumstances in our revolutionary contest; and, as has often been said by one who bore no small part in its trials and success, none but those who were then alive, can believe what an impulse it gave to the hopes of a population almost disheartened by a long series of disasters. And well it might; for it taught us, that in the first rank of the first nobility in Europe, men could still be found, who not only took an interest in our struggle, but were willing to share our sufferings; that our obscure and almost desperate contest for freedom in a remote quarter of the world, could yet find supporters among those, who were the most natural and powerful allies of a splendid despotism; that we were the objects of a regard and interest throughout the world, which would add to our own resources sufficient strength to carry us safely through to final success.

After the American revolution had terminated so successfully to the cause and the principles, which Lafayette had so zealously and efficiently espoused, he returned to France, and was soon called to witness the terrible paroxysms of that nation during the French revolution. But the French people had neither the intelligence nor the virtue of the American people. And the same degree of liberty, which was a blessing to the latter, would have been the greatest curse to the former. Liberty can never precede knowledge and virtue in the people, but it must and will follow them. The influence of Lafayette, therefore, though he was then, as he is now, considered the very Apostle of Liberty, was frequently felt on the side of the crown, bracing and strengthening it against the too violent encroachments of the people. The following extract from Mr Ticknor's memoir will show the part which he was frequently called to sustain during the French revolution, and the manner in which he sustained it. It describes the attack of the populace upon the royal family, at Versailles, on the night of the fifth of October, 1789.

He [Lafayette] arrived at Versailles at ten o'clock at night, after having been on horseback from before daylight in the morning, and and having made, during the whole interval, both at Paris and on the road, incredible exertions to control the multitude and calm the soldiers. The Marquis de Lafayette at last entered the château,' says Madame de Staël, and passing through the apartment where we were, went to the king. We all pressed round him, as if he were the master of events, and yet the popular party was already more powerful than its chief, and

principles were yielding to factions, or rather were beginning to serve only as their pretexts. M. de Lafayette's manner was perfectly calm; nobody ever saw it otherwise; but his delicacy suffered from the importance of the part he was called to act. He asked for the interior posts of the château, in order that he might ensure their safety. Only the outer posts were granted to him.' This refusal was not disrespectful to him who made the request. It was given, simply because the etiquette of the court reserved the guard of the royal person and family to another body of men. Lafayette, therefore, answered for the National Guards, and for the posts committed to them; but he could answer for no more; and his pledge was faithfully and desperately redeemed.

Between two and three o'clock, the queen and the royal family went to bed. Lafayette, too, slept after the great fatigues of this fearful day. At half past four, a portion of the populace made their way into the palace by an obscure, interior passage, which had been overlooked, and which was not in that part of the château entrusted to Lafayette. They were evidently led by persons who well knew the secret avenues. Mirabeau's name was afterwards strangely compromised in it, and the form of the infamous Duke of Orleans was repeatedly recognized on the great staircase, pointing the assassins the way to the queen's chamber. They easily found it. Two of her guards were cut down in an instant; and she made her escape almost naked. Lafayette immediately rushed in with the national troops, protected the guards from the brutal populace, and saved the lives of the royal family, which had so nearly been sacrificed to the etiquette of the monarchy.

The day dawned as this fearful scene of guilt and bloodshed was passing in the magnificent palace, whose construction had exhausted the revenues of Louis Fourteenth, and which, for a century, had been the most splendid residence in Europe. As soon as it was light, the same furious multitude filled the vast space, which, from the rich materials of which it is formed, passes under the name of the court of marble. They called upon the king, in tones not to be mistaken, to go to Paris; and they called for the queen, who had but just escaped from their daggers, to come out upon the balcony. The king, after a short consultation with his ministers, announced his intention to set out for the capital; but Lafayette was afraid to trust the queen in the midst of the bloodthirsty multitude. He went to her, therefore, with respectful hesitation, and asked her if it were her purpose to accompany the king to Paris. 'Yes,' she replied, 'although I am aware of the danger.' 'Are you positively determined?' 'Yes, sir.' 'Condescend, then, to go out upon the balcony, and suffer me to attend you.' Without the king?' she replied, hesitating-' Have you observed the threats? Yes, Madam, I have; but dare to trust me.' He led her out upon the balcony. It was a moment of great responsibility and great delicacy; but nothing, he felt assured, could be so dangerous as to permit her to set out for Paris, surrounded by that multitude, unless its feelings could be changed. The agitation, the tumult, the cries of the crowd rendered it impossible that his voice should be heard. It was necessary, therefore, to address himself to the eye, and, turning towards the queen, with that admirable presence of mind, which never yet forsook him, and with that mingled grace and dignity, which were the peculiar inheritance of the ancient court of France, he simply kissed her hand before the vast multitude. An instant of silent astonish

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