Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

32. Our eaufe is juft. Our union is perfect. Our inter nal refources are great; and, if neceffary, foreign affl *tance' is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully ac knowledge, as fignal inftances of the Divine favor towards us, that Providence would not permit us to be called into the fevere controverfy, until we were grown up to our prefent ftrength, and had been previously exercifed in warlike operations, and poffeffed of the means of defending ourfelves.

[ocr errors]

33. With hearts fortified with thefe animating reflections we moft folemnly, before God and the world, declare, that exerting the utmoft energy of thofe powers, which our beneficient Creator has gracionfly bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our ene mies to affume, we will in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perfeverence, employ for the prefervation of our liberties; being, with one mind, refolved to die freemen rather than to live slaves.

34. Left this declaration fhould difquiet the minds of our friends and fellow fubjects in any part of the empire, we affure them that we mean not to diffolve that union which has fo long and fo happily fubfifted between us, and which we fincerely wish to fee reftored. Neceffity has not yet driven us into that defperate meafure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them.

35. We have not raifed armies with ambitious defigns of feparating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent ftates. We fight not for glory or for conqueft. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable fpectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without an imputation nor even fufpicion of offence. They boat of their priviledges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than fervitude or death.

36. In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth right, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it; for the protection of our property, acquired folely by the honeft industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We fhall lay them down when hoftilities fhall ceafe on the part of the aggreffors, and all danger of their being renewed, fhall be removed, and not before.

37.. With an humble confidence in the mercies of the fupreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the univerfe, we moft devoutly implore his divine goodnefs to protect us happily through this great conflict, to difpofe our adverfaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil

war.

ELOQUENCE.

Extract from Mr. AMES Speecb in Congress on the sub-. ject of executing the Treaty between the United States and Great-Britain.

I.

ΤΗ HE confequences of refufing to make provifion

for the treaty are not all to be forefeen. By rejecting, vaft interefts are committed to the fport of the winds. Chance becomes the arbiter of events, and it is forbidden to human forefight to count their number, or measure their extent. Before we refolve to leap into this abyfs, fo dark and fo profound, it becomes us to pause and reflect upon fuch of the dangers as are obvious and inevitable. If this affembly fhould be wrought into a temper to defy thefe confequences, it is vain, it is deceptive to pretend that we can efcape them. It is worse than weaknefs to fay, that as to public faith, our note has already fettled the queftion. Another tribunal than our own is already erected. The public opinion, not merely of our own country, but of the enlightened world, will pronounce a judgement that we cannot refift, that we dare not even affect to defpife..

2. Well may I urge it to men who know the worth of character, that it is no trivial calamity to have it contefted. Refufing to do what the treaty fipulates fhall be done, opens the controverfy. Even if we should stand juftified at laft, a character that is vindicated is fomething worfe than it ftood before, unqueftioned and unquestionable. Like the plaintiff in an action of flander, we recover a reputation disfigured by invective, and even tarnished by too much handling. In the combat, for the honor of the nation, it may receive fome wounds, though they should heal, will leave fcars. I need not fay, for furely the feelings of every bofom have anticipated, that we cannot. guard this fenfe of national honor, this enlivening fire

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

which alone keeps patriotifm warm in the heart, with a fenfibility too vigilant and jealous.

3. If, by executing the treaty, there is no poffibility of difhonor, and if, by rejecting, there is foine foundation for doubt and for reproach, it is not for me to meafure, it is for your own feelings to eftimate, the vast diftance that divides the one fide of the alternative from the other.

4. To expatiate on the value of public faith may pafs with fome men for declamation to fuch men I have nothing to fay. To others I will urge, can any circumftance" mark upon a people more turpitude and debafement? Can any thing tend more to make men think themselves mean, or degrade to a lower point their eftimation of virtue and their ftandard of action.

5. It would not merely demoralize mankind; it tends to break all the ligaments of fociety, to diffolve that myftericus charm which attracts individuals to the nation, and to infpire in its ftead a repulfive fenfe of fhame and difguft.

It

6. What is patriotifm ? Is it a narrow affection for the fpot where a man was born? Are the very clods where we tread entitled to this ardent preference because they are greener? No fir, this is not the character of the virtue, and it foars higher for its object. It is an extended felf-love, mingling with all the enjoyments of life, and twifting itfelf with the minutest filainents of the heart. is thus we obey the laws of fociety, because they are the Jaws of virtue. In their authority we fee, not the array of force and terror, but the venerable image of our country's honor. Every good citizen makes that honor his own, and cherishes it not only as precious, but as facred. He is willing to risk his life in its defence, and is confcious that he gains protection while he gives it. For what rights of a citizen will be deemed inviolable, when a state renounces the principles that conftitute their fecurity? Or, if his life fhould not be invaded, what would its enjoyments be, in a country odious in the eyes of ftrangers, and dishonored in his own? Could he look with affection and veneration to fuch a country as his parent? The fenfe of having one would die within him he would blufh for his patriotism, if he retained

any, and juftly, for it would be a vice. He would be a Danifhed man in his native land.

[ocr errors]

7. I fee no exception to the refpect that is paid among nations to the law of good faith. If there are cafes in this enlightened period, when it is violated, there are hone when it is decried. It is the philofophy of politics, the religion of governments. It is obferved by barbarians a whiff of tobacco fmoke or a string of beads, gives not merely binding force, but fanctity to treaties. Even in Algiers, a trace may be bought for money, but when ratified, even Algiers is too wife or too just to difown and anul its obligation. Thus we fee neither the ignorance of favages, nor the principles of an affociation for piracy and rapine, permit a nation to defpife its engagements. If, fir, there could be a refurrection from the foot of the gallows; if the victims of juftice could live again, collect together and form a fociety, they would however loath, foon find themfelves obliged to make juice, that juftice under which they fell, the fundamental law of their ftate. They would perceive it was their intereft to make others refpect, and they would, therefore foon pay fome refpect themselves to the obligations of good faith.

[ocr errors]

8. It is painful, I hope it is fuperfluous, to make even the fuppofition that America fhout furnish the occafion of this opprobium. No, let me not even imagine, that a republican government (pring, as our own is, from a people enlightened and uncorrupted, a government whofe original right, and whofe daily difcipline is duty, can, upon folemn debate, make its option to be faithlefs-can dare to act what defpots dare not avow, what our own example evinces, the fates of Barbary are unfufpected of. No, let me rather make the fuppofition that Great-Britain refafes to execute the treaty, after we have done every thing to carry it into effect. Is there any language of reproach pungent enough to exprefs your commentary on the Pact? What would you fay, or rather what would you not fay? Would you not tell them, wherever an Englishman might travel, fhame would ftick to him he would difown his country. You would exclaim, England proud of your wealth, and arrogant in the poffeffion of power-blush for

R

thefe become the vehicles of your difhonor. Such a nation might truly fay, to corruption, Thou art my father, and to the worm, Thou art my mother and my fifier. We thould fay of fuch a race of men their name is a heavier burden than their debt.

9. The refufal of the posts (inevitable if we reject the treaty) is a meafure too decifive in its nature to be neutral in its confequences. From great caufes we are to look for great effects. A plain and obvious one will be, the price of the western lands will fall. Settlers will not chufe to fix their habitation on a field of battle. Thofe who talk fo much of the intereft of the United States fhould calculate how deeply it will be affected by rejecting the treaty-how vaft a tract of wild land will almost ceafe to be property. This lofs, let it be observed, will fall upon a fund exprefsly devoted to fink the national debt. What then are we called upon to do? However the form of the vote and the proteftations of many may difguile the proceeding, our refolution is in fubftance, and it deferves to wear the title of to prevent the fale of the western lands and the difcharge of the public debt.

e refolution

10. Will the tendency to Indian hoftility be contested by any one ? Experience gives the anfwer. The frontiers were fcourged with war. till the negociation with GreatBritain was far advanced, and then the ftate of hoftility ceafed. Perhaps the public agents of both nations were innocent of fomenting the Indian war, and perhaps they are not. We ought not however to expect that neighboring nations, highly irritated against each other, will neglect the friendship of the favages, the traders will gain an influence, and will abuse it-and who is ignorant that their paffions are easily raised and hardly restrained from violence? Their fituation will oblige them to chufe between this country and Great Britain in cafe the treaty fhould be rejected--They will not be our friends and at the fame time the friends of our enemies.

11. If any, against all these proofs fhould maintain that the peace with the Indians will be ftable without the pofts, to them I will urge another reply. From arguments calculated to produce conviction, I will appeal

« AnteriorContinuar »