latter took his place next one of his colleagues, and the former, after displacing his overcoat, took his seat near the outside row on the right. The political atmosphere in his immediate neighborhood was of an unmistakably revolutionary odor. In the row before him were Pryor of Virginia, Underwood of Georgia, and his colleagues Boyce, Bonham and McQueen; while beside him was that persistent advocate for the re-opening of the slave-trade-James L. Pugh of Alabama. Ashmore, the other Palmetto Representative, was in the front row next to the Speaker's chair; and while he looked like an exile from his colleagues, had the advantage-only, however, in the mind's eye-of being near to the Representative of the Constitution of the United States.

"When the Clerk had exhausted that portion of the message referring to secession, the breathless silence which had been preserved on the floor was instantaneously broken. The Republican side became largely vacated, and members who did not retire, having been supplied with the printed 'message extra,' plunged into it, or entered into loud conversation, or demonstrative recognition of each other. The noise and bustle was considerably augmented by the arrival of the Globe, and its distribution by the pages. Notwithstanding the clamor on the floor, the galleries remained full and attentive, striving to catch, above the continuous din, further indications of the state of the Government as represented by the President; or probably waiting in anticipation of some action on its more important part. In the midst of the noise, I withdrew to glance at the Senate.

"I found the Chamber resolved into several groups in earnest discussion, while the chief clerk wended his way through the recommendations touching China, Japan, San Juan, and other topics of minor interest. Some of these groups were significant, and probably have or will have an historical importance. Crittenden, Douglas and Fitzpatrick were in earnest conversation. The venerable Senator from Kentucky, whose Union sentiments had long given his Senatorial eloquence an additional splendor, seems particularly alive to the responsibilities and duties devolving on party leaders. Perhaps Fitzpatrick now doubts the wisdom of having resigned the nomination for Vice-President, as his remaining on the ticket might have been a conservative barrier to the more violent action of the Secessionists which has been developed since. Douglas and the eminent Kentuckian consult. The former evidently accords with Crittenden on some course to be pursued, and the latter, rather sorrowfully, takes his seat, from which he was soon called to invoke conciliation and sacrifice for the sake of the Union, against the disunion comments of Senator Clingman.

"Another group is important. Jefferson Davis, Hunter of Virginia, and Yulee of Florida, have their heads together. Davis is an acknowledged leader of secession, and Hunter, one of the ablest men in the Senate, has a decided leaning that way. After awhile, Davis seeing Bonham and McQueen enter, quickly joins them, and with them disappears into an ante-room, for the purposes of consultation. "On the other side the broad and distinct indications of secession given by Senator Clingman, drives Sumner to the side of Seward, and the latter yields his ear until attracted by the North Carolina Senator's allusion to the 'irrepressible conflict declarations' made by the distinguished Senator from New York.' Hale and Washburne of the House, Governor elect of Maine, have Hamlin between them. Washburne wears that curious querrulousness of face peculiar to a rapid man, coming to unpleasant conclusions, and Hale is not joking. To one who studies politics and party combinations, these ittle groups have a significance equal to action of a more demonstrative character.*

President Buchanan's Message was utterly beneath the crisis. It gave general dissatisfaction. Its positions were aptly condensed by Senator Hale thus: 1. South Carolina had just cause to secede. 2. That she had no right to secede. 3. That the United States had no right to prevent her secession. Senator Clingman of North Carolina led off the debate in a disunion speech. While agreeing with the President that the Government had no power to force a State to remain in the Union, he thought it fell short of stating the case before the country. He justified the course of the Southern States, and advised Congress to divide the public property and apportion the public debt, and advised Senators that several States would secede before sixty days.

Senator Crittenden regretted such a speech had been made. The duties of the hour required a different disposition of mind, and he hoped the example of Mr. Clingman would not be followed.

Senator Hale saw in the state of affairs one of two things -the submission not of the South but of the North-the

* "Congressional Notes," by Ezek. Richards, States and Union.

surrender of the popular sentiment which had constitutionally spoken through the ballot-box, or it meant war. If the latter, he hoped to meet it. Senator Brown said the South only wanted to go in peace; if it would not be permitted, then, God defend the right. Senator Iverson followed, wading knee deep in ferocity. He said five States will have declared their independence before the 4th of March. The secession action of Texas was clogged by her Governor (Houston), but if he did not yield to public sentiment "some Texan Brutus," said Iverson," will arise to rid his country of the hoary-headed incubus." Senator Jefferson Davis assumed a high tone of courtesy, thought threats were "inappropriate," while they met as Senators, and announced that he expected to be out of the Chamber before war would be declared against his State. The more Senator Wigfall read the message, the less he comprehended it. As to South Carolina, he would seize the forts and cry, “To your tents O Israel!"

After these violent ebullitions, which were listened to by crowded galleries, and a distinguished number of Representatives on the floor, it was pleasant to hear a voice, as if from the wilderness, raised in deprecation of them. It was the voice of Senator Saulsbury of Delaware, declaring that his State was the first to sign the Constitution, and would be the last to destroy it. No one had more effectively aided the Yancey programme at the Baltimore Convention, and I mention him here as affording a striking commentary on the ruin he helped to facilitate. The applause in the galleries which greeted his respectful mention of the Constitution, was an anathema on the action which made the mention necessary.

A select committee of thirteen was appointed in the Senate, and in the House, one composed of a member from each State, to which should be referred so much of the President's Message as related to the state of the country. To these

committees all resolutions presented in either branch reBut this knowledge did not

spectively were referred.

change the current of the exciting debates.

In the mean time anticipations that South Carolina would inaugurate war by seizing the forts in Charleston harbor, kept the public mind at once in a sensitive and turbulent state. The Cabinet, too, was falling to pieces, the course of Mr. Buchanan giving satisfaction to neither the Union nor disunion elements in it. On the 8th December Hon. Howell Cobb sent in his resignation as Secretary of the Treasury. Duty to his State would not permit him to continue a member of the Administration, which he believed would be the last to preside over the Union. If duty to a State forced Mr. Cobb to resign, duty to the United States compelled General Cass to leave the State Department on the 14th. The venerable Secretary of State resigned because the President would not reinforce the Charleston forts. He is reported in conversation to have declared he was a patriot soldier of the old school, and a Jackson Democrat. "I cannot longer remain," continued he, "in a Cabinet that confesses that the General Government is subordinate to a State; and there being no Government, virtually my occupation is gone."

The course of General Cass created much discussion. "Ain't it too bad," said a prominent Senator, "that a man has to break his sword twice in a life-time-at the commencement and at the end of his eventful career. At the surrender of Hull at Detroit, Cass was so disgusted at the conduct of his commander, and not having a fight, that he broke his sword. Now he breaks it because his present chief won't fight."

The debate in both Houses continued, the chief features in the Senate being a violent disunion speech by Senator Wigfall on the 12th and 13th, and from Senator Wade of Ohio, what was then regarded as an authoritative declara

tion of the policy of the in-coming party. As such the leading points are given. As on important occasions during this debate the foreign embassies were well represented on the floor:

"Senator Wade inquired what there was in the doctrines of the Republican party to justify the fears of the South? That party stood on the same ground with Washington, Jefferson and the fathers of the Constitution. They regarded slavery as an evil; they did not pretend to any right of interference with it in the States, but they were pledged never to allow the extension of slavery over an inch of territory now free. He declined replying to the question as to whether he would enforce the Fugitive Slave Act. For himself, he would only say he would obey any thing declared to be law, whether he liked the law or not. The Senator referred to the personal integrity of Mr. Lincoln, and argued that no person had a right to infer that he would violate any law or commit any act of injustice upon any one.

"The Republican party had met their opponents, they had made the issue fairly before the American people. He thought the people had never understood any issue so well before. The Republicans had won the battle, the opposition are now disposed to break up the Government to avoid Republican domination. He denounced the doctrine of secession; referred to the debate of Webster and Hayne as decisive against the right. He referred to the Fort Hill letter of Mr. Calhoun to show that whilst that gentleman considered nullification a constitutional remedy, he did not regard secession as lawful. He, therefore, denied the right of a State to withdraw, and showed the consequence. Gentlemen had threatened dissolution, and then implored the Republican party to come forward with a proposition for compromise. He had thought the day of compromises past. The Missouri Compromise was repealed. He had been told it was but a law. Why should we expect any other law to be held more sacred? We should understand each other; we should look this question in the face. When the President elect should come to be inaugurated, it would become his sworn duty to execute the laws over the whole Union. If any States should be found in hostility to the Government, the laws must be enforced. It might be that States would not recognize the Federal Government, yet the Federal Government would collect the revenues. It was said the Federal Government could not declare war against the States. If the collection of the revenues should be resisted, the States would