pear, you ought to try to raise the price of every thing. This doc trine may seem extraordinary, but it may be right for all that; and I shall at all times be ready to defend it. Notwithstanding all that has been said, I am a great enemy to innovation. I hate innovation in all things, in church, in state, and in agriculture. My vital christianity teaches me to love every thing that is established. Do I examine the attachment I ought to have to any system or practice, I do not examine its intrinsic merits, but I say to myself-Is it established? Though a much better might be pointed out to me, still I think it ought to be adhered to, and that no rash experiment should be hazarded. These are my opinions-these have ever been my opinions. I have long been in public life; I have spoken a good deal, and written still more. But let any one examine my speeches and publications with the greatest minuteness, and I defy him to shew that I ever expressed a sentiment contrary to what I now utter. Those principles, Sir, compel me to disapprove of this measure; I cannot consent to see the system of agriculture changed; I cannot consent to see a man obliged to pay a premium against himself. It makes little difference whether the people pay more for the potatoes, or pay an additional tax for a bounty to produce them. But it is idle thus to think of lowering the price. If you wish to promote the comfort of the poor, raise as speedily as possible the price of labour. It is far too low, and must soon rise in spite of you. Though not young, I am not very old, and within my recollection the price of labour has been trebled. Effects will still follow causes, and it must soon advance much further. Why then struggle against a necessity which no human power can controul, and no human ingenuity clude? Where will the storm fall? I allow it must at last fall somewhere, and I say it must fall upon the public creditor. A man lends 1007. to government, and gets three per cent for it. If the quartern loaf is at 6d. he gets 120 loaves a year, but now he gets only forty or fifty, and in a short time he may not get twenty. Thus, in the course of things he may be altogether ruined. The poor will not ultimately suffer, for their wages will be increased in proportion. The landed interest will not suffer, for their rents will be increased in proportion. The revenue will not suffer, for in the same proportion the ability of the people to contribute will be encreased. The mischief will only fall upon

the

the holders of stock, and as they are not a very numerous set of men, it will not be difficult to relieve them. These steps seem to be taken to prevent the monied interest from being alarmed. They certainly would be less willing to advance their money, but it is unfair thus to try to deceive them."

Mr. Tooke then entered into some calculations, to shew the propriety of raising the supplies within the year, and the dreadful consequences which must follow from the annual augmentations made to the national debt. He concluded by apologizing for so long occupying the time of the committee, and expressed a hope "that his errors might lead some one to the discovery of truth." The House then divided.-Ayes 39-Noes 44-Majority 5.

On Tuesday, March 10, 1801, Lord Temple rose in his place, to make to his long promised motion relative to Mr. Tooke's eligibility, and began by professing, "That nothing but his duty to the house, and respect for its institutions, along with his regard for the representation of the people, could have impelled him to undertake so arduous a discussion. He also professed that he entertained no personal animosity against Mr. T. whom he was pleased to designate by the term of "Reverend Gentleman."

To attack a person of such strong mind and abilities upon such a subject, was a bold attempt, but he had such proofs of ineligibility against him, that it was impossible to fail. Whatever might be the ultimate opinion of the house, he should be consoled by the recollection of having discharged his duty as became him. The question must be decided by the rules of the constitution made by our ancestors, by those rules the people had been represented for centuries. If the house considered themselves, which he trusted they would, the guardians of the people's rights and liberties, they would at the same time re

collect

collect that those rights and liberties were sacred de posits, which they were bound to protect against all innovation, and to transmit them pure and unsullied as they had been received.

His Lordship then proceeded to state, that innovations were dangerous in most systems, but particularly in those which had the sanction of ages in their favour in this light stood the House of Commons of this country. One of the most solemn of its acts related to its own members, and the qualifications of those members-that act most expressly declares, in as plain and unequivocal language as words can express, that no person who either is or has been in priest's orders, or held any office of the church, can possibly be a member of the House of Conimons. He should prove in the most clear and incontestible manner, that Mr. H. Tooke had received priest's orders; he should also make it equally clear, that he had discharged the functions vested in him by those orders, and when he had proved these facts, he trusted he had proved enough to induce the house to acquiesce in the motion he should afterwards make, of referring the investigation of other points to a committce. At present he should content himself with moving, "That William Bourchier, Esq. clerk of the diocese of Salisbury, be examined at the bar, whether or not Mr. Horne Tooke had received priest's orders, and whether or not he had exercised the clerical function, in consequence of having received these orders."

After a few words from Mr. Fox, in which he gave it as his opinion that the noble Lord had not made

out

out a case strong enough to go into evidence, and that it was rash and impolitic to discuss facts of the nature of which the house could not be aware, Mr. John Horne Tooke spoke as follows:

"Mr. Speaker,

"I rise to resist the motion which you lately put from the chair; not that I desire to delay the discussion of this question. My only wish is that the discussion may be full and fair. I am as eager as any one that complete information upon the subject may be received, and any proper motion that has this for its object, I shall willingly support. Before I enter into the question, I beg the house to recollect the previous proceedings. About three weeks ago the noble Lord gave notice, that if in the course of fifteen days no petition was presented to the house, he should make a motion with regard to the representation of Old Sarum. [Some one having called out "No!" Mr. T. exclaimed, "I say, yes!'']"This was the nature of the notice, and it is in the memory of the house, that it is as I have stated it. On the fifteenth and sixteenth days I attended in my place, but nothing whatever was said. On the seventeenth, I was obliged to be absent from severe indisposition, and when I came down on the eighteenth, I found that the noble Lord had given notice of a motion for the 10th of March, respecting the eligibility of " the Rev. John Horne Tooke." His lordship came up to me in a very polite manner, and handsomely told me what he had done. His conduct certainly, Sir, would have been more handsome, if subsequent proceedings had corresponded with this. When I asked him what the nature of his promised motion would be? he said there was a difficulty about it, as the Lawyers were not agreed. This was the eighteenth day after that on which I took my seat, and still the noble Lord and his advisers remained undetermined! Ilis lordship, however, assured me, that if I should attend in my place next day, I should hear all the particulars, and when I mentioned my illness to him, he promised to inform me by letter. The following day I was able to attend in person, but no explanation took place. The noble Lord made a motion for calling witnesses to the bar. I told him I would save him the trouble, as I frankly confessed that I had been ordained a priest more than forty years ago. It

was

was declared from the chair, that this would not be sufficient. For forty years I have been in the habit of attending to the proceedings of Parliament. I have been often present in this house; I have been called to your bar. I have been brought to it in the custody of the serjeant at arms. I must therefore know something of parliamentary forms; and I do not hesitate to declare, that it has always been the practice to receive admissions. Indeed what can this house have so worthy to be relied upon? It is never so well off as babens confitentem reum. You cannot administer an oath, and must be contented with simple affirmation. When an unhappy printer is brought to be examined, he is asked, whether he is guilty of printing the libel laid to his charge, and upon his confession, he is instantly sent where he deserves to go.

"I believe that fairness and justice call upon the house to repel this motion, unless the noble Lord shall explain more fully how he intends to proceed. He has not kept the promise which he made me. These lawyers I suspect, have advised him to break it. He says he would treat his most intimate acquaintance and dearest friend exactly in the same way. For his own sake, Sir, I hope that he would not. When he is moved neither by enmity nor profit, should he tamper with the lawyers to find out a flaw in other people's titles? I formerly gave credit to his professions: I now withdraw it, as it was improperly bestowed. I do not say that he is my personal enemy. I do not believe, Sir, that I have a personal enemy in the world. He bears towards me, Sir, violent political animosity.-[A cry of order! order!]—I beg pardon, Sir, if I am out of order; I am sure I should be sorry to be so, but it is not easy to remain cool after the manner in which the noble Lord has talked of my character, my politics, my principles, and my past conduct. He desired you to keep these out of view: I desire, Sir, that they may all be taken into consideration, the more they are scrutinized I shall be the better pleased. You are bound to consider these topics before you come to a just conclusion, and I am at a loss what could be the noble Lord's motive for giving you such advice.

"I apprehend that the lawyers are at the bottom of this motion of the noble Lord's. I know well the modes which these gentlemen pursue, in striving to accomplish their ends. Do not let me be misunderstood, Sir. I love and honor the profession. I had

once