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so early and so judicious an advocate, it is due to his memory to give this extract—though evidently thrown off in a moment of private confidence—as entitling him to be reckoned among the founders of the Catholic University of Ireland.

While these affairs were occupying all minds in Ireland, the position of the Holy Father, who had thus rescued the cause of Catholic education from imminent danger, was becoming daily more intolerable at Rome. During the very days when the Irish Church was exulting over its great deliverance, the august Pontiff had to behold the assassination of Count Rossi, his minister, and of Monseigneur Palma, one of his secretaries. He himself remained a prisoner in the hands of the radical faction, from the 15th of November. His faithful Swiss were dismissed, and the Civic Guard, the creatures of the demagogue Sterbini, became his jailors. On the evening of the 24th, assisted by the Duke d'Harcourt, ambassador of France, and the Count Spaur, ambassador of Bavaria, he escaped from the Quirinal, in the disguise of an attaché of the Bavarian embassy, under the title of "doctor,” and in a few hours was safely lodged in Gaeta. On the 16th of July following, his authority was restored in Rome by the French, under General Oudinot. His exile, therefore, may be said to have lasted precisely eight months.*

* For some interesting details of these events, consult Dr. Cullen letton in the Appendix.

The Bishop of Derry, duly informed of all that took place at Rome, rose from a sick bed on the intelligence of the Pope's flight reaching Ireland, to prepare that pastoral letter, which of itself would embalm his memory in the undying charity of all Catholic hearts. Hitherto he had addressed Rome on the wrongs of Ireland—now he was to address Ireland on the wrongs of Rome. And not only Ireland; for, since the admission of the Catholics to civil rights in the British empire, it is the privilege of the Irish Church to make her notes of challenge or of warning heard throughout the earth. There is, perhaps, no division of the Church militant whose word goes so far or strikes so deep. Her great living writers know this well; her Doyles and her Maginns also proved it in their day. We have seen in Roman newspapers long extracts from the letters to Lord Stanley; the Paris, Belgiar, American and Catholic journals spread the sentiments conceived in the quiet cottage at Buncrana over two continents. In his Pastoral on the Pope's exile, Dr. Maginn felt the height of his position, and his voice went forth with immense effect. His English is more smooth and compact than usual; his high heroic spirit soars above the orbis in urbis, like its own eagle, with an eye that penetrates to the east and the west, to the dawn and the sunset, through ancient days and modern events.*

* See Appiendix for this Epistle entire

This pastoral conveyed and read to the Holy Father at Gaeta drew forth his warmest approbation. A previous letter of the Bishop's received before His Holiness' flight, had the honor of a direct acknowledgment from the illustrious object of it.* It is hardly too much to say that in those eventful days no Irish Prelate stood higher at Rome than Dr. Maginn, and that the personal influence thus honorably obtained promised the best results for the future relations of the Irish Church with the Holy See.

* See Dr. Cullen's letter of September 5, 1848. Appendix.

CHAPTER VII.

INFLUENCE OF THE FAMINE ON PUBLIC SPIRIT-DR. MAGINA'S LETTERS

ON“ TENANT-RIGHT"—HIS LETTERS TO LORD STANLEY-HIS POPU LARITY-EFFECT OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ON IRELAND-PATRIOTIC ATTEMPTS TO RE-UNITE THE NATIONAL PARTIES—THE PROTESTANT REPEALERS AND MR. SHARMAN CRAWFORD), M. P.-EX TRAORDINARY CIRCULAR OF THE EARL OF SHREWSBURY-THI YOUNG IRELAND CATASTROPHE-DR. MAGINN'S CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE CASTLE IN RELATION THERETO—HIS SYMPATHY WITH THE DEFEATED PARTY AND THE STATE PRISONERS.

NOR was Dr. Maginn's attention wholly or even principally directed to Roman affairs and English intrigues, in those eventful years 47 and '48. The condition of the poor, the distribution of the charities of many countries, the niggardliness and maladministration of the government grants, the stealthy ravages of proselytism following famine like its shadow—all claimed his attention. It was in this year, the second of his episcopacy, that by a succession of public services to the country and religion, his talents became familiarly known and widely influential. Of these we shall speak in the order of time.

After O'Connell's death, and the second general failure

of the potato harvest, social questions were forced upon the Irish mind with an emphasis, which in less calamitous times, would have been quite thrown away on that imaginative and immaterialist nation. The question of the land, superceded “repeal” in the hearts of most men not wholly broken down by the pressure of the times and taxes. An “Irish Council” to promote reproductive employment on the soil, taking the government loan as the capital and improved modes of cultivation as the method, sat regularly in Dublin. It contained many patriotic men; Lord Cloncurry, Sir Colman O'Loghlen, Mr. Butt, Mr. Duffy, Mr. O'Brien, Mr. Chetwode, Mr. Monsell, the poet Ferguson, and many more. Its first meeting had been attended by O'Connell, who soon after made a last mournful plea for the poor in Parliament, and went abroad to die. The Young Ireland party endeavored to become practical, and began to study in statistics and political economy. The decaying association contributed its slower impulse to the general current of men's minds. Tenant-right meetings were held in Ulster; throughout the North generally, a fierce agitation sprung up in opposition to the imposition of an average poor-rate all over the island. Sir Robert Peel's. dictum that "the property of Ireland should be made to support the poverty of Ireland," was looked upon by the industrious tenant of the North with as much dislike as by the mortgage-ridden squire of the South. They both held that

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