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DR. MAGINN'S POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE.

DUBLIN, December 26, 1847.

My Beloved Lord,-Pardon my intrusion, to which I am forced by my anxiety to express my admiration of your beautiful letters. Thank heaven, the Church and the faithful Irish people have such a champion! You have cheered our hearts at a time when all things else tended heavily to depress.

I am glad to see that, at any rate, a portion of your admirable letter to Lord Stanley has been permitted to appear in the London press-the Morning Chronicle inserting portions of it yesterday. I was privately informed in London, that sly and crotchety Sir Robert Ferguson was the cause why the Government Landlord and Tenant Bill was not introduced this last session. Lord Clarendon asked his opinion, which, of course, was unfavorable. Now what a pity that some "bird of the air" does not carry this matter to the ears of the Northmen!

I am, my beloved Lord, with the deepest respect, esteem and respectful affection,

Ever most devotedly yours,

The Lord Bishop of Derry.

JOHN O'CONNELL,

LONDON (13 Belgrave Square), April 15, 1848.

My Lord, I beg to thank you sincerely for the flattering manner in which you have noticed my weak ef

forts to draw attention to the claims of the suffering poor of Ireland, in your letter of the 5th, which I have had the honor of receiving to-day. I need not say more than express my deep regret that my power to demand redress for their grievances does not enable me to make my acts correspond with my wishes, or the strong and earnest feelings I entertain, and have for years entertained, on the subject. Depend on it, I will lose no opportunity of which I can avail myself, to press forward the subject. Your letter will, I hope, arm me with some authority in doing so, and I will anxiously watch the chances of making a move in the matter.

I fear the measure for preventing or mitigating the harshness of the clearances promised by Government, will turn out of no value. We will do all we can to improve it, and make it more effectual. If time is afforded for pressing effectual measures on the Government and Parliament-before matters come in Ireland to a crisis in which even Parliament may be powerless-I do still hope the session will not be fruitless of such good acts. The measures I have earnestly, for three years past, pressed on Government, are:

1. Protection and security to the tenant-farmer from the caprice and rapacity of his landlord.

2. The removal of all restraints on the sale, leasing, and free disposal of land, with a brief and cheap parliamentary title.

3. A large measure of public employment for the able-bodied poor, chiefly in reclaiming waste lands, to be subsequently divided into moderate sized farms, and sold or leased in perpetuity.

Measures such as these, vigorously carried out, might, I hope, prevent the convulsion with which Ireland seems menaced, and save the lives of the thousands who in the present state of the law, are now threatened with intermination.

Since you mention the Poor Law as at present, worked in such a manner as to fail even in prolonging the lives of those whom it takes under its protection, allow me to suggest that means should be taken by the friends of the poor, (such as your Lordship, and the other members of the Catholic hierarchy and clergy, who have so devotedly fulfilled the duties of their high position, as the patrons, advisers, and protectors of the poor) to enforce those provisions of that law which are framed for their benefit. Having taken an active part in recommending this law to Parliament and the government, and when it was introduced, having striven (and with, as I believed, considerable success) to obtain its passing in such a shape as should secure a right to relief in destitution to all classes of poor, I am strongly persuaded that the law, as it exists, contains enough vigour and power to secure this great object, if duly and vigilantly watched and enforced by the friends of the poor in each locality.

The local authorities are required and commanded by the express terms of the act duly to relieve all classes of the destitute; and if they neglect to do so effectively, they are open to the legal penalties of this demeanor, for neglecting to perform a duty imposed on them by law. If through any such neglect, death unhappily ensues, they are moreover liable to indictment for manslaughter or culpable homicide, I believe. This is certainly the case in

England; and our law is not more literally imperative in its injunctions on the authorities than yours. It has also recently been decided by the courts in Scotland, that a Poor Law Inspector, answering to your relieving officer, is indictable for culpable homicide, if he neglect any poor person requiring relief after application, and death ensue as a consequence.

I wish some case of this kind were brought before the courts in Ireland. I have asked the question publicly of the Irish Secretary here, and it has not been denied that such is the law. In the first case you relate to me, for example, that of a poor woman of 70, recorded by the verdict of an inquest as having died of starvation, having received insufficient out-door relief, (only ninepence a week to find lodging &c., as well as food), the relieving officer seems to me open to an indictment. If he acted by the command of the Board of Guardians, then the Chairman of the Board who gave the order would, I should think, be the party liable. Even the Poor Law Commissioners are subject to this legal responsibility, I imagine and the Government of which they are members, to the highest amount of responsibility in Parliament, at least, if not in the courts. I should say, however, that this old woman's case might be considered a doubtful one, from her age and perhaps other infirmities. I am told, at the present price of meal, one penny a day will provide food only even for an able-bodied man, so that, little enough as ninepence a week is for the maintenance of any individual, it might be questioned whether it was not barely sufficient. I should strongly recommend, however, that such cases should

be watched, and that, when any clear case of neglect or insufficient relief (when duly demanded) appear, a prosecution should be instituted, and the question tried in court. This would have the effect of stimulating all officials under the law to activity in the discharge of their duties.

I fear you will think me unimpressed by the threatening circumstances of the moment, from my dwelling on these minute matters. I fully sympathize with your indignation at the terrible condition in which the law still leaves your poorer countrymen. But the law passed last year was some earnest of good intentions towards them on the part of the united Legislature, and I hope will be speedily followed by others more effectual, especially such as I pointed out in the beginning of this hurried letter, for the deficiencies of which I have to ask your pardon, and that you will, notwithstanding, believe me ever, my Lord,

Yours, very respectfully and sincerely,

G. POULETT SCROPE.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 17, 1848.

My Lord,-I am further obliged by your last letter. With reference to the opinion you mention as given by Mr. Henn, that the Board of Guardians are not compelled by the injunctions of the Poor Law of last session to afford the necessary relief to the out-door poor, I cannot help thinking there must be some misunderstanding. Mr. Henn, I am aware, was consulted as to the quarteracre clause, and his opinion was satisfactory on the point

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