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of the chemistry of sugar, and of its treatment for the Union. Thus, for instance, the local statistics of Chivarious purposes to which' it is to be applied. Pure cago show that the sales of confectionery in all its cane sugar melts at a temperature of 320° Fahr. ; crys- forms during the year 1880 foot up a valuation of tallized glucose, or grape sugar, at 187°; and the $3,000,000—two concerns alone doing, a combined anhydrous, or glucose proper, at 270°. When sugar business of over $2,000,000 a year. This is a fraction and glucose are mixed the point of melting will de- over the whole production of the 27 establishments pend on the proportion of each to the mass, and it is accredited to Chicago in the United States Census for in calculating this relation in each case that the art of that year. The same remark applies to New York, sugar- and of course candy-making largely consists. Philadelphia, and all other large cities similarly sitThe next step is to ascertain the amount of boiling uated. needed to bring the sugar to the proper condition, and Though the consumption of confections is pretty this varies with the class of goods to be made. Where well distributed over the Union, it appears that the pure cane sugar alone is used, the following degrees largest share compared with population is found in serve most purposes : 1. The Smooth. This degree that part of the West bounded east and south by the is reached at 215° to 220° Fahr., and is ascertained by Ohio River, and west by the Mississippi. Nor is this immersing the thermometer in the pan. At this point matter of taste confined to the mere element of quanthe sugar is used for crystallizing creams, gum goods, tity. Whilst the people of the United States have a and liqueurs. 2. The Thread, at 230° to 235°, for strong affinity for sweetmeats of some kind, and conmaking liqueurs. 3. The Feather, at 240° to 245°, for sume more than any other nation in the world, they making fondants, rich creams, cream for chocolates, are equally fastidious in their choice of goods. What and fruit-candying. 4. The Ball, at 250° to 255°, for suits one section is unpopular in another. This divermaking cocoanut-ice, cocoanut, and other nut candies, sity of popular taste is particularly noticeable in the and most grained sugars. 5. The Crack, at 310° to choice of flavorings. Thus, in the North, winter green 315o, for making all kinds of drops, toffees, rocks, and is most in favor; in the South peppermint, whilst in all clear goods. There is also the Caramel, at 320°, the Southern seaboard States a decided preference is used for making confections of that name. This is shown for sassafras. the highest point at which sugar can be kept on the One peculiar feature of this important industry in fire without burning. Where refined sugars are to be the United States is that there is no local specialty in used it is of the greatest importance to know that any city or section ; for though many of the most when boiled above the Ball, or 250 degrees, they are popular goods had their origin in the inventive brain grainy, and when turned out of the pan and allowed of some individual, and for a while the inventor was to cool will be simply hard-candied sugar, unfit for able to guard the secret, it was soon discovered and imifurther use. To prevent this the grain must be "cut” by tated. The "A. B. gum-drop," for instance, is said to the addition of cream of tartar. This ingredient makes have been first introduced to the trade by a German conthe sugar pliable when hot, and transparent when cold; fectioner of New York city a few years ago; cocoanut and hence its use for making drops, rocks, toffees, and caramel and walnut candy in Philadelphia

by a German clear goods. The usual proportion of this ingredient and his wife about the year 1869, and "soft Imperial is oz. to every 8 to 10 16. boil of sugar. Glucose is pan-work” by a manufacturer of New York city in equally effective in preventing crystallization, and being 1868. All these and many other standard goods of harmless, and at the same time cheaper, it is rapidly purely American origin are now made by confectioners displacing cream of tartar.

everywhere: the only distinction recognized being According to the census returns of the Bureau of based on the real or supposed superiority attached to Statistics there were in 1880 in the United States the individual brands. In the manufacture of maand Territories 1450 manufacturers of confectionery, chinery and tools used by confectioners circumstances with a combined capital of $8,486,874, employing have combined to create specialties in certain lines. 6157 male adults, 2827 adult females, and 817 children, Thus Philadelphia is conspicuous among the large or a total force of 9801. The amount paid annually in cities of the United States as the headquarters for wages is $3,242,852, for materials $17, 125,775, and the machinery, tools, and most utensils used in the trade, value of the products for that year is put down at a branch of industry which is carried on here on a $25,637,033. A comparison of the States shows that more extensive scale than in any other city. New New York takes the first rank, her proportion being York city, in the same way, enjoys a monopoly of the 25 per cent of the whole, and Pennsylvania second, copper work used by manufacturers, whilst all the with 20 per cent., the two combined containing nearly delicate machinery used for making chocolate is imhalf the establishments of the entire country, and ported from France, where it originated. holding the same relation as to the value of the pro- Among the causes which have led to the remarkable ducts. Massachusetts, Illinois, Ohio, Missouri, and growth of this industry is, first, the general introducMaryland come next in the order named, but in these tion of machinery and implements, which, besides States the production, as compared with New York enlarging the productive capacity of the numerous and Pennsylvania, is largely in excess of the number establishments, has improved the quality of the goods ; of establishments, owing to the fact that the business secondly, the rapid increase in the population of the is chiefly centred in a few cities, such as Boston, Chi- country; thirdly, the general prosperity of the country. cago, St. Louis, and Baltimore, where it is conducted in Europe the laboring classes cannot afford to indulge on a very large scale by comparatively few houses. in luxuries of any kind, and least of all in sweetmeats; The returns from twenty of the leading cities of the and hence confectioners are driven to depend for their Union show an aggregate production of $17,921,929, support and patronage on a very small fraction of the or nearly 70 per cent. of the entire country. Among populations of the respective countries. In the these cities New York heads the list, having 187 es- United States, on the contrary, the industrial classes tablishments, and showing a production of $4,592,622. are by far the largest consumers. Lastly, the low Philadelphia follows with 173 establishments and a prices at which confections are sold being the result of production valued at $2,653,074; Chicago third, with cheap production as compared with Europe, have only 24 factories and a production valued at $1,953,558, largely aided in the development of the industry. and Boston fourth, with 33 factories and producing It reflects no little credit on the ingenuity and entergoods estimated at $1,606,214, the next in order being prise of American manufacturing confectioners that St. Louis and Baltimore. Imposing as these figures notwithstanding the higher cost of material, labor, are they are quite misleading as to the real magnitude capital, rents, etc., the most popular goods, such as of the business. They take no account of the foreign caramels, plain and fancy cream bonbons, creams, and goods consumed here, or of the large amount produced nougats, are fully 50 per cent. cheaper in any of our by small dealers and retailers in all sections of the large cities than the same grades of goods in Paris Vienna, or London ; without detracting in the least after the formal inauguration of the Constitution in from the credit due to the French or German confec- March, 1789, two States, Rhode Island and North tioners for their discoveries and progress in the art, Carolina, had for considerably more than a year refused the American representatives in the trade have done, to ratify the Constitution, or take part in the govern; and are still doing, more to popularize the manufacture ment; and yet their troublesome independence had and consumption of confections than all Europe com- been submitted to by the other States until “voluns bined. The result of the causes referred to are appa- tary” ratification ended the difficulty: In 1861 there rent even to the most superficial observer. More were some far-seeing men in the North and West, like confections are made and sold in the three cities of Gov. Andrew, of Massachusetts, who ordered arms New York, Philadelphia, and Chicago, with a com- and prepared for war; there were others, like Seward, bined population little more than the single city of who looked to Canadian annexation to make good a Paris, than in the whole of France. In each of these confessed loss; but to the great mass of the people centres goods are made by the ton, and often sold in the status of South Carolina and the other seceding single orders ranging from ten to fifty barrels each. States seemed quite on a par with that of Rhode Transactions on a similar scale are entirely unknown in Island and North Carolina in 1789–90. Neither in any other country in the world. To sum up in a single 1789 nor in 1861 was there any definite idea of the sentence, the confectionery industry of the United method by which the problem was to be solved ; but States has already attained vast proportions, its de- in both cases there was the same reliance on natural velopment is steadily onward, and its possibilities in forces, the same characteristic American confidence the future practically unlimited.

(E. H.) that the solution would be reached “somehow.” And CONFEDERATE STATES. The organization of in the South the feeling was generically similar. We the “Confederate States of America" in 1861, as an have the emphatic testimony of a competent observer, independent government, is now commonly regarded Alexander H. Stephens, that the "wavering scale as the result of a conspiracy, for the reasons which in the essential State of Georgia was turned by one follow. A distinction may be properly made between cry, We can make better terms out of the Union secession, the withdrawal, or attempt to withdraw, than in it.” It was hard, at the best, to carry a mafrom the National Union, and the organization of the jority of Southern voters into secession, with all its Confederate States. The former was only an abnormal vague idea of only a temporary suspension of union, development of the particularist side of American and every motive of pride, passion, prejudice, interest, politics, brought to a head by the sectional differences and even terror, had to be invoked to do it. Had the caused by negro slavery. The particularist notion that spectre of a Southern national government, and its the union was a league, a "voluntary association” of inevitable war with the United States, been as familiar States for mutual benefit, was extremely common to Southern voters as to Southern politicians, it is everywhere until after the end of the war of 1812, difficult to name any State outside of South Carolina though its corollary, the right of secession, was either which would have seceded; and we have Gov. Gist's unthought of or kept out of sight, except in such confidential letter to other Southern Governors, in isolated instances as the Virginia and Kentucky res- October, 1860, to assure us that South Carolina's olutions of 1798, from which it may perhaps be drawn secession, without assured support by one or more by argument, and Tucker's edition of Blackstone's other States, was “very doubtful.”' For all these Commentaries in 1803, in which it is completely for- reasons, secession, pure and simple, was looked upon mulated. There was very little national feeling at any at the North, until very late in January, 1861, as no time, and it is hardly too strong an assertion to say finality, but as the last desperate effort of a minority that the national government owed its continued ex- to compel some compromise which both it and the inistence during this period to its control of the great coming administration of President Lincoln would be western territory, in which States and individuals had glad to accept. President Lincoln's inaugural in March, a common interest. After 1815, the national idea 1861, declaring his intention to collect duties and to grew rapidly and increasingly in those States in which continue the mails, "unless repelled," but not to slavery had ceased to exist, (1) because of the growth force obnoxious strangers" into any locality "where of manufactures, banking, commerce, and other inter- hostility to the United States shall be so great and uniests which ignored or were embarrassed by State lines; versal as to prevent competent resident citizens from (2) because of the rapid internal transfer of population holding federal offices," seems to mark his acceptance to new States without historical associations; and (3) of a policy which, impossible as it had then come to because of the increasing influx of foreign immigrants, be, was at least in the line of the idea which had at who sought and thought of only the United States, first been generally entertained of the design and posnot a particular State. From all these influences, with sible results of secession. But the organization of a the possible exception of the second, the South was new national government by the seceding States was a completely shielded by slavery, and the idea of State very different matter. Secession, so long as it looked sovereignty remained as strong there as ever. Indeed, to individual State action alone, was at the worst a by a reactionary movement, it had grown stronger in negation of national authority for a longer or shorter 1860 than in 1787–88, and community of interest had period ; but here was a distinct affirmation of a new given it the more dangerous character of sectional power, whose recognition would end the Union, in its sovereignty. But, though the two sections were thus old form, forever. Such an affirmation was desirable drifting apart, the political vocabulary of the North only to the politicians, as a means of coercing the and West remained unchanged, and such phrases as allegiance of the doubtful mass of voters. It was "the confederacy” and “the voluntary nature of the made in every case by the State conventions, without Union" were very frequently used by men of all reference to or ratification by the popular vote. It parties, who either forgot that they implied a right of was proposed in the first instance by a few great secession, or did not see that they had already collapsed leaders at Washington, whose influence over their reunder New England's experience before and during spective State conventions was very great. It is not the war of 1812, and that unseen physical forces had wonderful

, then, that the story of a secret meeting of given the Union a stronger than voluntary” char- the senators of the seven original seceding States, at acter. Even the idea of secession, for which the way Washington, Jan. 5, 1861, of its decision to force had been paved by consistent theory in one section through the organization of a national government, of and by a survival of political phrases in the other, was its appointment of an executive committee headed not at first generally terrible in 1860–61, for there was by Jefferson Davis, and of its dictation of the whole a vague feeling that the process, however extraordi- course of procedure, has been accepted by all hisnary, was nothing more than a final summons to the torians, North and South, without any great search for other States to compromise national difficulties. Even its authority. It rested originally on an anonymous letter to a Washington newspaper four days after the cess was closely similar, omitting the declaration of date of the meeting, but has since been confirmed by causes. In this manner ordinances of secession were several detached items of evidence ; and the least that passed by the State Conventions of Mississippi, Jan. can be said of it is, that it is not at all improbable. It 9, 84 to 15; Florida, Jan. 10, 62 to 7; Alabama, Jan. is for these reasons that the organization of the Con- 11, 61 to 39 ; Georgia, Jan. 19, 208 to 89; Louisiana, federate States government, rather than the antecedent Jan. 25, 113 to 17; and Texas, Feb. 1, 166 to 7. The act of secession, is usually termed a conspiracy, the ordinance was submitted to the people for ratification few Washington leaders being the conspirators, and in but one State, Texas, and there only because the the mass of Southern slave-owners and politicians being convention was an entirely revolutionary body, called rather active supporters than admitted participants. by private persons, the Legislature not being in ses

The event which crystallized the theory of secession sion, and it needed some vestige of authority. into practice was the election of President Abraham The act of secession, though only a stepping-stone, Lincoln in November, 1860. While the United States was a most important one. Under the State sovereignty extended only to the Mississippi, the Ohio furnished theory, the primary allegiance of the citizen was due to a safe boundary between new slaveholding and non- the State, and his obedience, or secondary allegiance, to slaveholding States... When migration passed the the Union of which his State was a member. By the Mississippi, the dividing line was lost. Louisiana, dissolution of the Union the allegiance of the citizen when acquired in 1803, was a slaveholding territory was due only to the State, whose sovereignty was repreby French and Spanish law, and Congress took no sented now by the conventions. These did not finally steps to prohibit slavery therein. Consequently slavery adjourn after the act of secession, but, by concert of spread over the intervening Territory of Arkansas into action, elected delegates to a Congress at Montgomery, Missouri, which was a slave State when admitted in Ala., Feb. 4, and continued in existence. The “pro1821. With its admission was coupled a proviso pro- visional” Congress, of one house, met at the time and hibiting slavery for the future in the remainder of the place appointed, though the Texas delegates were not Louisiana purchase, north of latitude 36° 30'. The appointed until ten days later. Each State had one whole was known as the Missouri compromise. When vote. A provisional constitution, being that of the California, Utah (including Nevada), and New Mexico United States with some changes, was adopted, Feb. (including Arizona) were acquired from Mexico in 8; and Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, and Alexander 1848, a conflict between the two sections, so much H. Stephens, of Georgia, were elected provisional stronger in wealth and population, was a more serious president and

vice-president on the following day, and matter than in 1821.

inaugurated Feb. 18. Having ratified the provisional After a struggle of more than two years, the com- and permanent constitutions, and having thus transpromise of September, 1850, admitted California as a ferred the "secondary allegiance" of their citizens to a free State, ignoring the question of slavery in Utah new national government, the State Conventions were and New Mexico, and gave the South a more stringent at last able to adjourn sine die; the most important fugitive slave-law. This last item proved highly un- part of their work was accomplished. Even while the popular in the North and West, but was submitted to. Congress of the United States, in session at WashingIn 1854 the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska were ton, had been engaged in discussing hopeless plans for organized. Both were part of the Louisiana purchase, reconciliation and reunion, without one effort to defend and north of the line of 36° 30', and hence were free the unity of the nation, an organized government had territory by the Missouri compromise; but, most un- arisen at Montgomery, able to levy armies and taxes, fortunately, the Northern Democratic leaders con- support navies, make treaties, peace, and war, and, ceived the idea that political consistency called upon above all, demand the allegiance of its citizens even in them to follow the same plan with Kansas and Ne- a war against the United States. In all this work the braska as with Utah and New Mexico. The result unconditional secessionists enthusiastically concurred, was the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, which while the mass of the voters had no control whatever effusively proclaimed its neutrality as to slavery, and over the action of the State Conventions which they thus repealed the Missouri compromise, with its pro- had so rashly called into being. Acts of war, hibition of slavery. The secondary results never sometimes the official action of State governments, stopped short of war. The Republican party was sometimes the unofficial action of mobs, afterwards instantly organized, its leading tenet being the right indorsed by officials, had long preceded any declaraand duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all the Ter- tion of war, or even the formal acts of secession. ritories. In the struggle, 1855–58, between pro-slavery Forts, arsenals, custom-houses, navy-yards, war vessels, and anti-slavery settlers for the control of Kansas, the hospitals, and mints, had been seized and turned over former were defeated, in spite of the Dred Scott deci- to the State authorities; and United States troops had sion in 1857, in which the Supreme Court affirmed the been forced to surrender, paroled, and sent North. constitutional existence of slavery in a Territory, when- President Buchanan declared in his messages to Conever an owner should see fit to carry a slave thither. gress that he saw no legal method to check or punish In 1860 the National Democratic party split into two these acts, so long as Federal judges and marshals in the sections, and Lincoln and Hamlin were elected, having seceding States continued to resign, and no persons could a majority of the electoral and a minority of the be found to take their places. Even when the South popular vote. Their election was the signal for action. Carolina batteries, Jan. 9, fired upon and drove back The South Carolina Legislature, which was in session a United States vessel which was endeavoring to proto choose presidential electors, called a State Conven- vision Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, the Federal tion. It met Dec. 17, unanimously adopted an ordi- government showed no disposition to accept the act as nance, Dec. 20, repealing the State's ratification of one of war. Nominally, President Buchanan sucthe Constitution in 1788, and dissolving the union ceeded in keeping the peace” until the end of his between the State of South Carolina and other States administration ; but when President Lincoln took under the name of the United States of America." office, March 4, 1861, he found that every vestige of Its declaration of causes for secession was extremely Federal authority in the seceding States had disapmeagre. It consisted mainly of an argument for the peared, except at Fort Pickens, in Florida, and Fort abstract right of secession, and the causes were but Sumter, in South Carolina. To allow both of these to two-one general, a loss of the identity of interest be- go was to make the Confederate government the untween the North and South which had made the Union disputed successor to the Federal government within possible, and one particular, the passage of “personal the territory claimed by it ; to allow either to go was liberty laws” by Northern States, intended to secure to hazard the whole result upon a single die. Seward, the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus to alleged Secretary of State, was against any attempt to profugitive slaves. In the other Southern States the ro- vision the forts, trusting thus to confine the rebellion


to the seven seceding States, retain the border States the legislature until April 26, yielding then on finding in the Union, and supply losses by Canadian annexa- that the legislature was preparing to meet without his tions. Early in April he was at last overruled, and summons, but using his prerogative to call the meeting at the attempt was made to provision Fort Sumter. Frederick, in the Unionist district of the State. By Before this could be effected, the Confederate batteries this time Maryland had become a highway for Federal had forced the fort to surrender, April 12-14, and war troops in motion toward Washington, and the danger was begun. April 15, Lincoln, by proclamation, an- of a revolutionary secession was over. In Delaware nounced the existence of the rebellion, and called for there never was any danger; in January the legisla75,000 volunteers to suppress it; two days afterwards ture had almost unanimously declared its" unqualified Jefferson Davis offered letters of marque and reprisal to disapproval" of secession and the organization of a private armed vessels against the commerce of the Confederate government. Before the meeting of United States, and privateers at once began to issue Congress, July 4, 1861, the lines were fairly drawn. from Southern ports; and on the 19th President Lin- The northern boundary of the Confederacy was a line coln declared a partial blockade of Southern ports, following the Potomac to its head-waters; thence S. which was made general on the 27th. May 6, the W. to Tennessee; thence W. along the northern Confederate Congress passed an act recognizing the boundary of Tennessee and Arkansas; and thence S. existence of war with the United States, and foreign W. through Indian Territory and along the western governments immediately began to declare their boundary of Texas to the Rio Grande. Some forty neutrality between the two belligerents. One im- counties of Western Virginia, repudiating the ordimediate result of the outbreak of hostilities was nance of secession, held a State Convention at Wheelextension of the area of secession. The border States ing, June 11, vacated the positions of State officers, were willing to remain in the Union, at least tempor- and provided for an election of a new State legislature. arily, so long as its voluntary nature was recognized; This body gave the formal consent required by the but the first attempt at "coercion' drove most of Constitution to the erection of a new State within the them into secession. Their governors refused to obey limits of Virginia ; and the new State of West Virthe call for troops, summoned their legislatures in ginia was admitted to the Union, June 19, 1863. To special session, and thus obtained the State Conven-counterbalance this loss, the Confederacy had treaties tions which the legislatures had hitherto refused to with most of the tribes of the Indian Territory, from authorize. Ordinances of secession were thus passed, which it drew recruits, and had possession of the 88 to 55, by the Virginia Convention, April 17, which southern tier of counties in Kentucky and Missouri, had hitherto refused to secede ; by the Arkansas Con- to which States it had an inchoate claim, to be pervention, May 6, 69 to 1, and by the North Carolina fected, it hoped, at the conclusion of a treaty of peace. Convention, May 21; and all these conventions proceeded to ratify the provisional constitution and enter

The provisional constitution was to continue in force one The Virginia Convention year. The permanent constitution was adopted by the was embarrassed by a popular majority of about provisional Congress, March 11, 1861, and was ratified by

the State Conventions, or legislatures, before April 29. It 50,000, directing any ordinance of secession to be followed the Constitution of the Uuited States very closely, first submitted to popular vote. The convention, even in form, the following being the most important therefore, took the extraordinary course of con- changes : It formally recognized State sovereignty; used cluding a military league with the Confederate the words “slaves" and "slavery” instead of the various States, April 25, thus allowing Confederate troops to euphemisins of the Constitution; gave the cabinet seats swarm over the State, so that the “popular vote

without votes, in Congress; lengthened the term of the in June became a mere farce. The Tennessee politi- re-election of the former; allowed the President to veto

President and Vice-President to six years, and forbade the cians were swift and more radical in following the single sections in appropriation bills; forbade Congress to Virginia device. The legislature itself formed the vote money for internal improvements, to pass protective military league and prepared the ordinance, May 7, tariffs, or to grant bounties; forbade removals from office, which was similarly ratified by popular vote, June 8. except for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, In Missouri the State government was secessionist, or neglect of duty, the reasons to be reported to the Senate; but the State Convention adjourned in March, refusing tories the institution of negro slavery as it now exists in

and directed Congress to recognize and protect in the Territo secede. Before it reassembled, July 22, the State the Confederate States." The first Presidential and Congovernment had undertaken war on its own account, gressional election under this Constitution took place Nov. had been beaten, and had been driven out of the 6, 1861. Davis and Stephens were chosen to the respective State. The Convention proceeded to vacate their offices then held by them, and were inaugurated Feb. 22, offices and order a new election, which gave the Union - 1862, to serve until 1868. At the same time the provisional ists control of the State ; but the fragments of the Congress of one house gave way to the permanent Congress, old legislature undertook to pass an ordinance of siding over the Senate, and Thomas S. Bocock, of Virginia, secession, of its own power, and enter the Confederate over the House. The Senate numbered 26, two from each States. In Kentucky the governor at first attempted State, the most distinguished members being C. C. Clay and to exclude both Federal and Confederate troops from W. L. Yancey, of Alabama; B. H. Hill and H. V. Johnthe State ; but the Union majority of the State, though son, of Georgia; A. G. Brown, of Mississippi ; Wm. A. always pro-slavery, fought secession with uncommon Graham, of North Carolina; R. W. Barnwell and James vigor, and never lost their undisputed control of the L. Orr, of South Carolina; Wm. S. Oldham and Lewis T. State legislature and government. Nevertheless, repre- Caperton, of Virginia. A full

House consisted of 106 mem.

Wigfall, of Texas; and R. M. T. Hunter and Allen T. sentatives from particular districts in Kentucky, or from bers, as follows: Alabama, 9; Arkansas, 4; Florida, 2; Kentucky regiments, were admitted to the Confederate Georgia, 10; Kentucky, 12 ; Louisiana, 6'; Mississippi

, 7; Congress. In Maryland the whole burden of resistance Missouri, 7, North Carolina, 10.; South Carolina, 6; Tento secession was thrown on the shoulders of one man, nessee, 11 ; Texas, 6 ; and Virginia, 16. The delegations Governor Hicks. The secession of this State in Feb.; mitted to as a basis for ulterior claims, but they disappeared 1861, would have enormously increased the chances of in 1864. The sessions of Congress were as follows: Pro; foreign recognition and the dangers of the situation, visional Congress : (1) Feb. 4 to March 16, 1861 ; (2) April by installing the Confederate government at Washing- 29 to May 22, 1861; (3) July 20 to Aug. 22, 1861; (4) Nov. ton as the de facto successor of the United States 18, 1861, to Feb. 17, 1862. First Congress : (1) Feb. 18 to government. Governor Hicks held the key; no con- April 21, 1862; (2) Aug. 12 to Oct. 13, 1862; (3) Jan, 12 to vention could be called but by the legislature, and the May 8, 1863 ; (4) Dec. 7, 1863, to Feb. 18, 1864. Second Conlegislature was not in session and could only be sum- gress (1) May 2 to June 15, 1864;. (2) Nov. 7, 1864, to moned by the governor. In spite of an attempt to

March 18, 1865. The cabinets, provisional and permanent,

were as follows, the dates being those of appointment: organize a revolutionary convention in February and State Department—Robert Toombs, Ga., Feb. 21, 1861; March, like that of Texas, he staved off the meeting of R. M. T. Hunter, Va., July 30, 1861; Judah P. Benjamin, La., Feb. 7, 1862. Treasury Department Charles G. Mem- the opposition in Congress was always strong; and minger, 8. C., Feb. 21, 1861 ; James I. Trenholm, S., C., Congress itself, through its committees, asserted sucJune 13, 1864. War Department-L. P. Walker, Miss.: cessfully a control over the conduct of the war, which Feb, 21, 1861; Judah P. Benjamin, La., Nov. 10, 1861 ; James A. Seddon, Va., March 22, 1862; John C. Breckin' was often troublesome, but always characteristic. In Mallory, Fla., March 4, 1861. Attorney-General –Judah of death; its Congress was a conclave of “Ja Herrs, ridge, Ky., Feb. 15, 1865. Navy Department-Stephen R. the South, outside of its armies, there was a silence as P. Benjamin, La., Feb. 21, 1861; Thomas H. Watts, Ala., with hardly a thought of interference with the PresiSept. 10, 1861; George Davis, N. C., Nov. 10, 1863. Post- dent's control of the war; there was no political strugmaster-GeneralHenry J. Ellet, Miss., Feb. 21, 1861; John gle, excepting a contested election in North Carolina in H. Reagan, Texas, March 6, 1861.

1863, and a symptom of another in Georgia in 1864; This article does not have to do with the military or and there never was any open opposition to the war naval history of the Confederate States, and from any down to the instant when the veil was finally removed, other point of view its career is but a sorry picture and it was found that the popular unanimity was fal. Its political history is almost an absolute blank, its lacious, and that the people were in reality thoroughly diplomatic history a series of failures, and its financial tired of the war. For such a contrast no one man history a series of blunders. Such a record demands can be responsible; a clearer explanation seems to be explanation, and most Southern and Northern writers found in the different social systems of the two sechave found it in the wrongheadedness, meddlesome tions. For the misfortunes of their diplomatic and inefficiency, and obstinate favoritism of President financial history, on the other hand, the circumstances Davis. Some Southerners have not scrupled to express of the Confederate States seem to have been mainly a willingness to enter the conflict again if the Presi- responsible. In both cases, however, the relentless dents could be exchanged. It must be admitted that blockade established by the Federal government was a Davis' errors were unpardonable. And yet it is hard powerful factor in determining the result, and the posto trace all the civil misfortunes of the war to him as sibility of the blockade and its results was mainly due their only source. A more silent but constantly to the same difference of social systems. In the working influence seems to have been the system of South commerce and manufactures had been practinegro slavery

and its impression on the political life of cally impossible with involuntary labor, for the inevithe people. For their ninety years of State existence, table waste of such a system cut off the small margin all their civil honors, all their experience in legislation of profit. There was therefore no ability to resist the and in practical government, had been reserved to the blockade, and, under the blockade, no resource for the single class of slaveholders; and if by chance there government but a grinding system of direct taxation. was an exception, the first use of his newly acquired Both sections appealed to the help of issues of paper wealth was to enroll himself in the dominant caste by money. But in the North the customs revenue was the purchase of slaves. No good authority puts the enough to ensure the interest of the public debt, and number of slaveholders in 1860 at more than 300,000. the whole was supplemented by a high internal revWhat would be the political condition of any people enue tax, mainly on manufactures, which has produced numbering 5,000,000, if its whole civil experience was nearly $3,000,000,000 up to 1882; and gold was thus confined to a fraction of 300,000 of its number, and prevented from rising above 300. In the South cuseach one of that number consumed with a desire for toms and internal revenue were equally unavailable, command in the army? When the President himself and the paper money had no basis except receipts in rated his own office far below the real object of his cotton, which could hardly be sold ; gold therefore rose wishes, the command of the Confederate armies, what to 120 in December, 1861, to 300 in December, 1862, was to be looked for from subordinates? With some to 1900 in December, 1863, to 5000 in December, 1864, exceptions Congress, the State legislatures, and civil and to 6000 in March, 1865, when the paper money administration generally, became a refuge for incom- had become practically worthless

. During this deprepetent or unworthy men, and the armies in the field ciation the financial history of the Confederate States were left without any reliable support. From the in- is mainly a series of efforts, by taxation in kind, acts ception of the provisional government the sittings of to regulate the prices of produce, and kindred expeCongress were almost continuously secret. Its early dients, to delay or evade a process which hardly any decision to exclude from membership those delegates statesmanship could have delayed or evaded. Before who should accept military commissions deprived it the spring of 1864 the financial system of the Confedpermanently of the services of the ablest men of the crate States was confessedly a chaos; and after that Confederacy. In a legislation of second-rate men, the point it is perfectly true that the Confederate armies presence of the cabinet was a steady strain upon its supported the rebellion on their bayonets" until judgment, and Congress became a bureau for register- April, 1865, with hardly the semblance of efficient ing laws prepared by the executive. There is hardly support from the civil service. Early in March, 1861, an instance of independent action by Congress until its commissioners were sent to the Federal government to quarrel with Davis in the closing hours of the war negotiate for the transfer of property to the Confedand then its action was undignified, unpractical, and erate States, and the peaceful settlement of a separaconfined to an unconstitutional substitution of Lee for tion. They were finally refused any official hearing. Davis as commander-in-chief. Public opinion had A commission of three, Yancey, Mann, and Rost, was very little weight with Congress or the President at also appointed, which was to seek recognition from any time. The suspension of the habeas corpus, the Great Britain, France, Russia, and Belgium ; but the extension of the conscription system, so that in Feb-commission was found to be much inferior in efficiency ruary, 1864, it embraced in its terms every white to single ambassadors to individual courts. male between the ages of 17 and 55, placed every bassadors, J. M. Mason and John Slidell, were apvoter in the country at the mercy of the President, or pointed to Great Britain and France respectively in the of subordinates controlled by him, and made the gov- autumn of 1861, and were taken out of the British ernment an executive despotism. It would probably mail steamer Trent, Nov. 8, while she was on her way be unfair to look for any lines of political division in a from Havana to St. Thomas, by the United States people engaged in what soon came to be a confessed steamer San Jacinto. The United States had always attempt at revolution ; but there is a striking contrast protested against any such practice of search and between the political life of the two opposing sections seizure by belligerent vessels in the case of neutrals, during the war. In the North two great political par- and had gone to war with Great Britain in 1812 mainly ties continued their ancestral struggle with unremitting on that issue. The Federal government was therefore eagerness, even down to the smallest village elections; compelled by its own precedents to disavow the seizure the strongest condemnation of the war, though often and surrender the captives. The disappearance of suppressed, was still more often passed over unheeded; this speck of war between the United States and

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