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crops prevented the expected reaction after the suppression of the imperial taxes, by permitting the supply to exceed the consumption." It should here be observed that sugar is another Brazilian article of export, produced in all parts of the empire, but particularly in the provinces of Pernambuco and Bahia. The quantity shipped, however, is never or rarely in excess of 140 tons, or about the amount of the total shipments from the little island of Mauritius.

There have been no official returns of port movements published since those given in our volume for 1880, to which volume reference may be made for details relating to Brazilian railways and telegraphs. On the subject of the new line of steamers there mentioned as about to be established between Canadian and Brazilian ports, the following particulars were published in Rio de Janeiro in February, 1881: "St. Thomas, at which port the steamers of this line will call, is the distributing point for the mails and traffic of the West Indies and Central America, and arrangements are in progress with the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company for an interchange of traffic by through bills of lading at that port for the West Indies, British Guiana, and Central America, and at Rio de Janeiro for the republics of the river Plate, thus bringing all these countries into direct communication with Canada. The direct trade of Canada with these countries for the year 1879 has been as follows: Imports, value $1,256,817; exports, value $4,242,112; but it has been carried on entirely by sailing. vessels, and will necessarily be further developed by the establishment of this company. It is proposed to employ four steamers in this service, each of 2,200 tons burden, which will run monthly between Canada and Rio de Ja. neiro, touching at St. Thomas, Pará, Maranhão, Ceará, Pernambuco, and Bahia, between which ports the coastwise traffic in passengers and goods is very important. The contract with the Canadian Government is for three years certain from 1st of May next, thereafter being terminable by six months' notice, as is usual in the Dominion. The Brazilian contract is for ten years, and it is understood that negotiations are in progress for additional subsidies to the company in respect of intermediate ports of call. The company has the advantage of being introduced to public notice by a strong and influential board, and, in view of all the circumstances, it is reasonable to anticipate that the capital will be at once taken up by those who are in search of a favorable form of investment."

The Telephone Company of Brazil had received, by decree of April 17, 1881, authorization to operate in the empire, and it was hoped that contracts would at once be made for the establishment of telephonic communication between Rio de Janeiro and the neighboring town of Nictheroy.

The Minister of Agriculture had announced

his intention, as the state of the finances had improved, to apply to the following Legislature for an appropriation in the budget for 1882-'83 for an immigrants' house in Rio, to receive and support for eight days 40,000 spontaneous immigrants per annum, for the transportation of 30,000 immigrants from Rio to their destination, for the acquisition of 53,000 acres of land in readily accessible portions of Southern Brazil, and for the survey of public lands and the making of roads to colonies. He had also declared that the Government would not give further aid or make further subsidized immigration contracts.*

The new electoral reform bill mentioned in our volume for 1880 passed the Senate in the session of 1881. We here transcribe the principal clauses of the bill:

ARTICLE I. The nominations of senators and deputies to the General Assembly, members of the Provincial Legislative Assemblies, and any other elective national or local authority, shall be made by direct elections, in which all citizens enrolled as electors, in conformity with this law, may take part. The election of Regent of the Empire shall continue to be made according to the additional act to the Constitution by the electors treated of in this law. ART. II. Every Brazilian citizen, in accordance with Articles VI, IX, and XCII of the Constitution of the empire, having a net annual income of not less than 200 milreis from realty, trade, business, or employment, is an elector.

The exclusions of said Article XCII include the men of the army, navy, and police corps, and the workmen of the public departments and establish

ments.

ART. III. The proof of the income referred to in the preceding article shall be made:

SECTION 1. As to income arising from realty: (1.) When the realty lies within the bounds of the Imposto Predial or Decima Urbana, by certificate from the fiscal department that the realty is assessed at a rental value of not less than 200 milreis, or by a receipt of the same department for payment of that tax. (2.) When not within the bounds of the Imposto Predial or Decima Urbana:

If consisting of premises situated where neither of those taxes is levied, of rural establishments, or of lands occupied by the owner, then by computing the income at six per cent upon the capital the realty represents, verified by a legitimate deed of ownership or holding, or by a judicial sentence recognizing either.

If not occupied by the owner, then by reckoning the income in the same manner, or by the exhibition of a contract of lease of the realty entered in notarial books a year before, with express declaration of the price of the lease.

SEC. 2. As to income derived from trade or profession:

(1.) By certificate showing inscription, a year previously, in the "Commercial Register," as merchant, broker, auctioneer, chief clerk of a commercial house, master of vessel, pilot, or administrator of a factory.

(2.) By certificate from the respective fiscal department of ownership of a factory, workshop, or commercial, manufacturing, or rural establishment, with a capital of at least 6,800 milreis, paying an imperial or provincial annual tax of not less than 24 milreis in Rio, 12 milreis in other cities, and 6 milreis in towns and other places of the empire.

The taxes referred to in this provision confer electoral capacity only when paid for at least a year before

enrollment.

No taxes but those mentioned in this law can serve for proof of income.

See "Annual Cyclopædia" for 1850.

(3.) By certificate extracted from the book of bank companies or commercial or manufacturing associations, legally authorized, proving the citizen to have been employed, for a year previously, at a salary not less than the legal income.

SEC. 3. As to income derived from public or provincial stocks, by authentic certificate that he has held in his own name, or, if married, in that of his wife, for a year previously, stock yielding annually at least the required income."

SEC. 4. As to income derived from shares of legally authorized banks and companies, or from deposits in government savings-banks or others authorized by the Government, by authentic certificate of holding, for a year before enrollment, in his own or his wife's name, shares or deposits yielding at least the said

annual income.

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A certificate from the inspector or director of public instruction in Rio or in the provinces shall serve as proof thereof.

(4.) Ministers and councilors of state, senators, deputies to the General Assembly, members of the Provincial Legislative Assemblies, the effective vercadores and the justices of peace with number.

(5.) Employés of the diplomatic or consular corps. (6.) Officers of the army, navy, and police corps, including the active and reserve, retired and honorary with pay.

(7.) Imperial, provincial, or municipal functionaries having pay of over 200 milreis, with right of super

annuation.

(8.) Serventuarios for life in office of justice, with allowances of at least 200 milreis per annum.

ART. V. Any citizen unable to prove the legal income by any of the modes laid down in the preceding articles will be permitted to do so by the rental value of the house or houses he has lived in, with his own earnings, during at least a year before, the rental value paid by him being 400 milreis in Rio; 800 milreis in the cities of Bahia, Recife, Maranhão, Para, Nictheroy, São Paulo, and Porto Alegre; 200 milreis in other cities; 100 milreis in towns and other settlements; also by rented farms, etc., paying 200 milreis

a year rent.

(This proof must be made before a judge.)

All certificates and other documents required for enrollment of electors are exempt from stamp and any other taxes.

ARTS. VI to VIII treat of the enrollment by the municipal judges, with revision by the juiz de Direito, and appeal to the Relação.

ART. IX. Excepting restrictions hereafter enumerated, every citizen included in Article II is eligible as senator, deputy to the General Assembly, member of the Provincial Legislatures, vereador, justice of the peace, and any other charge created by law.

of

Only section. A special condition of eligibility is: For senator of the empire, to be over forty years age, and have 1,600 milreis income.

For deputy to the General Assembly, member of the Provincial Legislature, to be over twenty-five years of age, and have 800 milreis income; and, as to naturalized persons, have resided six years in Brazil.

For vereador and justice of the peace, that of resi

dence for at least two years within the municipality.

ART. X enumerates a long list of functionaries in

eligible 3 senator, deputy, or provincial member, within the region over which their functions extend, and the ineligibility includes engineers, contractors, furnishers, and others interested in public, guaranteed, or subsidized works, or deriving pecuniary profit from state, province, or municipality works. Shareholders, however, are not included.

ART. XI. No remunerated public functionary can hold his office during the session, if he accepts the legislative mandate; and if he accepts a senatorship, he must at once be superannuated.

Excepting ministers and secretaries of state, councilors of state, bishops, embassadors and envoys extraordinary on special mission, presidents of provinces, military and naval officers, as to seniority and pay, and senators, etc., obtaining license from their respective

chambers.

ART. XII forbids the election of ministers of state as senators while holding office, and for six months afterward, unless the vacancy occurs in the native province or that of domicile.

ART. XIII forbids the acceptance by senators, and by deputics and members of provincial assemblies during the session and six months after, of any paid government or provincial employment or commission, except of councilor of state, president of province, embassador or envoy extraordinary, bishop, and commander of sea or land forces. It also forbids their obtaining concessions, privileges, contracts, etc., but not patents. Two years of residence in the province is required for election as provincial member.

ARTS. XIV and XV treat of the elections in general. ART. XVI treats of elections of senators, which must be by separate triple lists for each vacancy.

ART. XVII treats of elections of deputies to the General Assembly, which will be in districts of one deputy. Rio is to have three districts, Bahia and Recife two each.

ART. XVIII treats of elections of vereadores and justices of the peace.

ARTS. XIX to XXI, of penalties.

ART. XXII postpones all elections, except as provided for in Article XXIX of the Constitution, until the conclusion of the first general enrollment, and the Government may delay to the last working day of December, 1881, the general election of deputies to the next Legislature.

ART. XXIII provides for collecting, in a distinct part of the instructions to be issued for the execution of the law, all existing provisions and decisions in harmony with it, to be submitted to Parliament for approval.

ART. XXV revokes contrary provisions.

A novel event for Brazil was that of general elections by a free constituency, untrammeled by government pressure and unbiased by government interference. It was apprehended, however, that electoral reforms may not prove to be an unmixed blessing for Brazil just yet, it being doubtful whether the masses are sufficiently enlightened to see the necessity of breaking with traditional evils and allowing themselves to be carried along by the current of modern progress. The late elections threw a Liberal majority into the Chamber of Deputies, while in the Senate the Conservatives were and still remain in majority; hence the position of a Liberal Cabinet must needs be embarrassing, particularly so when hampered by the parliamentary requirement of an absolute majority in the formation of a quorum. The present Cabinet has little to fear on that score; but, in the case of a successor, the difficulty would at once arise, unless the Liberal majority in the Chamber of Deputies should give

proof of unprecedented assiduity, disciplined union, and abnegation of self-interest.

Nevertheless, and in face of all opposition, the spirit and letter of the emancipation law * of September, 1871, continue to be observed, and every measure is taken that, directly or indirectly, contributes to the accomplishment of the great work of abolition. In December, 1880, the Provincial Legislature of Rio de Janeiro imposed a tax of $500 on each slave brought into the province, except in the case of slaves already owned when the law was passed, and merely transferred from an estate outside the province to another within the province, and the property of the same planter. A tax of $15 was imposed on the register of slaves moved from one municipality to another. A bill, signed by the majority of the members, was brought into the São Paulo Assembly, imposing a fee of $1,000 for the register of every slave, not inherited, brought hereafter into the province. Half the fee was to be applied to emancipations. Thus São Paulo and Minas-Geraes have followed the course of the province of Rio de Janeiro to stop, by prohibitive taxes, the further introduction of slaves.

There were reports that the question of Chinese labor would be brought to test before long, "an eminent American contractor having undertaken to forward to Rio de Janeiro a number of coolies, under contract to serve five years on plantations, at five dollars a month, with rations."

BROWNING, ORVILLE H., born in Harrison County, Kentucky, 1806; died August 10, 1881, at Quincy, Illinois. Early in life Mr. Browning removed to Buckner County, where he went through a course of classical studies at Augusta College, while officiating as clerk in the county and circuit courts. He afterward studied law and was admitted to the bar. In 1831 he went to reside in Quincy, Illinois, where he practiced his profession. Having served through the Black Hawk War, he was elected in 1836 to the Illinois Senate, and four years later to the Lower House, in which he served two years. At the Bloomingdale Convention he co-operated with Abraham Lincoln in organizing the Republican party of Illinois. In 1860 he was a delegate to the Chicago Convention which nominated Mr. Lincoln for the presidency, and during the war he was an active supporter of the Government. In 1861 Governor Yates appointed Mr. Browning to fill a vacancy caused by the death of Mr. Douglas, United States Senator from Illinois. In this position he served for two years with distinction. While in Washington he engaged in the practice of law with Hon. Jeremiah Black and Hon. Thomas G. Ewing. President Andrew Johnson appointed Mr. Browning Secretary of the Interior, and he also acted as Attorney-General for a brief time, upon the retirement of Henry Stanbery, of Ohio. At the expiration *See "Annual Cyclopædia" for 1571.

of his service as Secretary of the Interior, Mr. Browning resumed his profession in Quincy, where he continued to reside in active practice up to the time of his death. His State laments his decease as the loss of an able public ser

vant.

BULGARIA, a principality of Southeastern Europe, which was created in 1878 by the Treaty of Berlin, as a dependency of Turkey. Reigning Prince, Alexander I,* elected in 1879; area, 63,972 square kilometres (1 kilometre= 0-386 square mile); population on January 1, 1881, 1,995,701. The population of the principal cities on the same date was as follows: Sofia (the capital), 20,541; Rustchuk, 26,867; Varna, 24,649; Shumla, 22,921; Widdin, 13,602; Tirnova, 11,500; Sistova, 11,438. The only railroad in operation was that from Rustchuk to Varna, 224 kilometres. The number of post-offices in 1879 was 35; the number of letters and postal-cards sent, 337,600; of printed matter and packages, 2,060; of newspapers, 402,454. The length of the government telegraph lines in 1879 was 2,057 kilometres, and of the wires 3,021 kilometres. The number of offices was 31, and of dispatches 99,350. The National Assembly consists of the Exarch or head of the Bulgarian Church, of one half of the bishops, one half of the presidents and members of the Supreme Court, one half of the presidents of the district courts and of the commercial court, and of deputies of the people-one member representing 20,000 per

sons.

The people of the principality were in 1881 deprived of the Constitution, which, in accordance with the Treaty of Berlin, they had formed to suit themselves. The change from a constitutional monarchy, with exaggeratedly democratic popular rights and guarantees, to an autocratic state, was accomplished by a virtual act of usurpation on the part of their elected prince, Alexander. On the 9th of May the Prince dissolved the National Assembly, and declared the Constitution suspended. The incompetency of the administration, and the mistakes of the majority, whose alleged follies and short-comings had prompted the arbitrary course of the sovereign, were in a measure confessed by the chief members of the Liberal party themselves. Their parliamentary leader, the Minister-President Zancoff, proposed, instead of the total revocation of the Constitution, as demanded by the Prince, its suspension for three years, during which time the Prince should govern with the assistance of a Cabinet and of a Council of State, composed of foreign experts, selected by the Assembly.

The draft of a constitution made by Prince Dondoukoff-Korsakoff was constructed in harmony with the liberal views of the popular party, who have all along carried with them

For a biography of Alexander I, see "Annual Cyclopadia" for 1879, article ALEXANDER I; for an account of the history of the race, of the progress of education, of newspapers, of industry, and of the Bulgarian Church, see "Annual Cyclopædia" for 1878, article BULGARIA.

The

the majority of the Bulgarian nation. Russian commissioner fostered the aspirations of the Liberals for a Great Bulgaria, and probably hoped himself to be chosen Prince of the PanBulgarian nation. His draft was modified in a radical sense by the Constituent Assembly at Tirnova. The Constitution, while embodying extreme principles of popular sovereignty based upon universal suffrage, was, in respect to its provisions for the practical conduct of the Government, in many respects imperfect, as every paper constitution instituting a new political system must be of necessity. The Prince possessed no sympathy for popular institutions, and attributed all the friction and the abuses of the Government to the democratic features of the Constitution. The Conservative minority, from whom he had first chosen his ministers, were composed of the semi-aristocracy of the Tchorbadjees, who had acquired wealth under the Turkish régime, and had come to a modus vivendi with the Mohammedan authorities. The Young Bulgaria party, led by men who in the Universities of Vienna and Moscow had imbibed the ideas of Western liberalism and of Russian radicalism, and who were inspired with an enthusiastic national ambition, presented the only doctrines which appealed to the intelligence and patriotism of the people. Their agitation had led to the Turkish war and the independence of Bulgaria, and the leadership of the people and direction of the destinies of the young state naturally devolved upon them. The Prince's repugnance to their advanced ideas of liberty, and his contempt for their nationalistic patriotism, were so fixed that he regarded the direction of affairs by the doctrinaires of the Liberal party as a political impossibility.

The difficulty of working the Constitution lay not so much in the "disorganization at home," which Alexander declared to be the effect of popular government in Bulgaria, as in the fact which he embodied in his twin charge, that the Bulgarian Parliament had brought the country into "discredit abroad." This resulted from the reckless thoroughness with which the Liberals were inclined to carry out the principle of Bulgaria for the Bulgarians, in entire disregard of the wishes of the powerful neighboring empires, on whose good-will their country's existence as an independent nation must in a great measure depend. The overweening jealousy of outsiders, expressed in the motto "Bulgaria farà da se" of the Liberals, and exemplified in the acts which were denounced as obstructive by the Austrian Government, and those which were construed as ingratitude by the Russians, was the outcropping of the ancient masterful spirit of the Bulgarians, and had asserted itself under Turkish rule in the repudiation of the dictation of the Phanar, their frequent uprisings against the Porte, and their acquisition of the right of entire local self-government.

The administration of the finances by the

Liberal Government had been most successful. Through a redistribution of taxes, they had nearly doubled the revenue, without increasing the burden on the people. The general rates were not greater than under the former Government, and were one third lower than under the Turkish rule. The people, on the contrary, were enabled, owing partly to the new highways and similar public works to which some of the additional revenues were applied, but chiefly to an abundant harvest, to pay the taxes more easily than ever before. When the Conservatives handed the administration over to the Liberals, they had reduced the surplus of 12,000,000 francs received from Prince Dondoukoff-Korsakoff to 7,000,000, during their one year's management of public affairs. The budget which they delivered to their successors provided another deficit for the coming year, the revenue being placed at 16,000,000 francs, and the expenditures at 19,000,000 francs. The revised budget of the new administration balanced revenues and expenditures at 27,000,000 francs, and their estimate for the following year fixed them both at 30,000,000 francs. When dismissed from office by the ukase of the self-constituted autocrat, they left a surplus of 17,000,000 francs cash in the Treasury. The excess of revenue was expended in public works, roads, barracks, hospitals, and public-office buildings, and in establishing a system of higher education and erecting buildings for the elementary schools, which are maintained by the communities. For the latter, of which there are 1,088, affording instruction to 56,354 children, a system of state inspection was inaugurated. Nine secondary schools have been established in the principal towns, including two for girls, besides a classical college at Sofia and a priests' seminary at Liscovatz. There is known to have been more or less corruption in the management of the public funds, but they were employed in the main for judicious and useful purposes. Although the people complained of the Government, from a chronic habit of resenting taxation, they were as lightly taxed as ever before, and never had experienced so much prosperity and general well-being. A reform in the treatment of the Mussulman population by the Liberal Government was instituted before their dismissal from power. Persecutions were checked; efforts were made to persuade Christians, who had seized the property of refugee Mohammedans, to return it to the owners, and, in communities having a preponderant Mussulman population, Turkish mayors (Kmets) were appointed. The change in policy was sufficient to stop the emigration, thus keeping in the country a useful agricultural population, as well as strengthening the hands of the Liberals by retaining an element hostile to Russia.

Prince Alexander, after he had suspended the Constitution by proclaiming it unsuited to the requirements of the country, summoned a

BULGARIA.

navigation, a hostility which was shared by the
Roumanians.

Great National Assembly to revise its provisions. The dismissal of the Assembly, and the irregular method by which the Prince sought to have it abrogated by a kind of plébiscite, were both infractions of the express provisions of the Constitution, which prescribes that the power to alter and amend shall be exercised only by the Extraordinary National Assembly, convoked in accordance with the action of the Assembly. Prince Alexander's justification of his coup d'état was that the Constitution had brought discredit upon Bulgaria abroad and bred domestic disorder. The Assembly, it was charged, was filled in great part with illiterate members, who were incapable of judicious legislation, who wasted their time in fruitless party strife, and imposed incompetent and corrupt Cabinet advisers upon the Prince, and were also engrossed in intrigues to maintain their positions, and had instituted a foreign policy which endangered the existence of Bulgaria. The Liberal party, who maintained that the traditions and character of the Bulgarian people demanded a democratic form of government, proposed to remedy the admitted evils by reducing the number of members in the Assembly, and lowering the age of eligibility from thirty to twenty-five, in order to admit young men who had been educated abroad and were returning in considerable numbers. The strife in the Assembly had been in great measure due to the course which the Prince had pursued, at first, of choosing his ministers As soon as he allowed from the minority. the formation of a Liberal Cabinet, the Assembly applied itself to legislation, and in the period of eight months matured twenty-seven bills, the most important of which were measures to improve national education and to raise the moral qualifications of the clergy, increase their stipends, and free them from the domination of the hierarchy.

The Liberal party during its administration of the governinent had offended three influential classes by reforms affecting them which ment was incensed by the over-jealous attitude were in the popular interest. The Russian eleof the Liberals, whose project of dismissing Russian officers from the military and civil establishments, and of reducing all foreigners in Bulgarian service to an equal footing with natives, precipitated the coup d'état which it aimed to avert. The ecclesiastical reforms which subordinated the church to the state, and restricted the authority of the bishops over the parochial clergy, aroused resentment in ecclesiastical circles. The local magistracy also was alienated by a measure of administrative reform which curtailed the powers of the choGerman prince and Prussian Guard lieutenant, rabji class, or village magnates. The young who had been selected as the constitutional ruler of the new principality, regarded with impatience and contempt the extreme demowhich he had sworn to observe, and for the cratic provisions of the organic instrument first year of his reign refused to take his advisers from the majority. In his plan for destroying the national Constitution, he was cerof the well-wishes of Austria, and of the neutain of the active co-operation of the Russians, trality of Germany. The support of the civil, military, and clerical oligarchies, which the Liberal party had effectually estranged, was of indispensable assistance. In the country districts a considerable degree of popular animosity against the administration was already in electioneering agents of the Prince and his existence, which was skillfully worked by the Russian allies, in the extraordinary election which was to decide the fate of the national tuted by the Prince's edict to try any officials Constitution. Military tribunals were constiwho should exert their influence on behalf of Liberal candidates. By these courts-martial any Liberal could be arrested, and even condemned to death. Two of the Liberal leaders, Zankoff and Slaveikoff, were arrested before the election, and, when released after a short confinement, were forbidden to go to Sofia or ery election district as a commissioner, and a Tirnova. A Russian officer was placed in evThe diplomatic large number of others were detailed as subcommissioners of elections. agent of the Russian Government, Hitrovo, was the active lieutenant and principal adviser of the Prince. Peasants were brought into the cities to vote, and carefully guarded from the allurements of the Liberals by the military. Bands of peasantry were encouraged to attack and maltreat any Liberal who was too outspoken. In the towns the election was conIn some cases crowds of ducted with scarcely the pretense of legality. Voters were kept from approaching the urns by the soldiery. electors collected about the polling-places, and

The democratic character of the Constitution which, in accordance with the conclusions of the conference of plenipotentiaries at Berlin, the Bulgarian people had framed for themselves, rejecting the extremely liberal Constitution drafted by the Russian commissioner, had from the first excited repugnance and apprehension in the Russian Government. It mistrusted the influence in Russia of the large measure of popular liberty enjoyed by the Slavs across the Danube. The purpose of the Liberal majority to remove the Russian officers who had command of the army, which they had brought to a high standard of discipline and efficiency, was the occasion for a trial of strength between the popular party and the Russian entourage of the Prince, re-enforced by court and diplomatic influences of the Czar's Government. The Austrian Government had shown antipathy to Bulgarian liberties from the beginning, and was incensed at the Liberal party on account of its hostility to the Austrian claim to exclusive powers over the Danubian

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