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was military and pleased the army, might dissolve the Chamber of Deputies at any time, call no new one, and govern gently but arbitrarily par des ordonnances, with little opposition from the great mass of the people, and in defiance of the murmurs of the constitutional party. We certainly do not mean to insinuate that the Bourbons are, more than other princes, particularly fond of the liberty of the people: They may be still less so; but they are peculiarly bound to respect it for their own sakes. Si les François n'avoient pas de Bourbons il faudroit en faire, was the late remark of a man who assuredly cannot be suspected of any bias in their favour-the celebrated friend of Bentham, and editor of his works.

The unfavourable results of the late elections are imputed by one party to the Government itself. The principles of the Charter, it is said, have been reluctantly and tardily applied, with a bad grace, in a manner implying mistrust of the people, and with some degree of insincerity. The few coming among the many must make up their minds to trust them. Henry IV. entered Paris, after the siege, bareheaded and unarmed; yet he was a conqueror, which his descendants are not! It is observed, on the other hand, that the faction opposed to the Bourbons evinced from the beginning such a fixed determination to overturn them at any rate, as to justify a reluctance on their part to deliver themselves up into the hands of implacable enemies. Ever since the dissolution of the Ultra Chamber in 1816, the Government has been moving-slowly, perhaps, and unwillingly—but still it has been moving towards the principles of this party. This, however, was not enough for their impatience: It seemed indeed as if they would have been better pleased with better grounds to be displeased. The Bourbons have pardoned as many enemies as would have established a reputation for clemency in twenty kings of the old regime;--yet they are accused de n'avoir rien oublié! Civil liberty, such as it is in France, dates from their restoration,--yet ils n'ont rien appris !--The very abuse with which the press teems against their government, and the severity with which its measures are publicly convassed, contradict these exaggerations.

French writers are fond of drawing comparisons between their institutions and ours. The following is an eloquent summary of their opinions.

"Une des chances les plus heureuses qui pût rencontrer la révolution de la Grande Bretagne a été, sans contredit, de s'operer par la prémiere classe de l'ordre social. Des résistances opiniâtres lui ont été ainsi epargnées, et l'exécution, en rencontrant moins d'obstacles, n'a pas eu à se défendre des écarts et de l'exagération qui succèdent aux efforts d'une nombreuse réunion d'hommes. Il est arrivé de là que le parti aristocratique, ou celui de la grande propriété, s'est trouvé place de plein droit en tête des intêrets populaires. Cette circonstance a été très-favorable au repos de ce royaume, à la suite de ses troubles politiques ; la querelle n'ayant existé qu'entre le trône et les grands, son issue n'a point laissé d'orages après elle. C'est une chose dont nous sommes forcés de convenir : mais de quelque avantage qu'aient été de pareils antécédens, l'observateur attentif n'y découvrira-t-il pas le principe de ce mal aise qui travaille actuellement la Grande Bretagne ? En effet, la révolution, s'y exécutant par une classe déjà puissante, a bien pu répandre des germes de prosperité dans le sein de la nation qui y a accédé plus qu'elle ne l'a faite ; mais ses principaux bénéfices ont dû appartenir à ses fondateurs. Où le regne d'un seul a cessé, le regne multiplié des grands a prévalu. Réunis dans un petit nombre de mains, les richesses et les emplois publics s'y sont concentrés encore davantage. La nation Anglaise a décuplé le produit de ses terres et celui des objets importés dans son ile par le travail industriel de ses machines et de ses manufactures ; elle a couvert les mers des deux mondes de ses vaisseaux avec une telle pro. fusion, que l'on a cru voir sortir de la Tamise la Grande Bretagne ellemême transformée en une multitude de villes flottantes ; l'Indoustan est devenu sa conquête et sa province, comme les quartiers St. Germain et St. Honoré sont les faubourgs de Paris ; ses comptoirs dominent tous les rivages et tous les archipels ; enfin, l'Angleterre ex. iste presque partout sur le globe; et cet immense mouvement de vie, qui déborde à deux mille lieues de distance, s'exécute au seul profit d'un très-petit nombre d'hommes connus sous le nom de Lords ou de marchands Anglais ! Sur cette île, dont l'empire est si prodigieusement étendu, le peuple est-il heureux ? Le peuple trouve-t-il dans la forme de son gouvernement, de vraies garanties d'une situation qu'il puisse cherir et d'une independance honorable ? Je ne le crois pas. Admiré au-dehors, il manque de pain chez lui ; redouté dans l'Inde et sur plusieurs points de l'Europe, il tremble au milieu de ses murailles ; il fait mouvoir des milliers de machines, et ses malheureux artisans restent les bras croises ; il est glorieux de sa terre natale ; et pour ne pas y expirer de faim, il va être bientôt reduit à la fuir. A quoi attribuer ces contrastes déplorables de grandeur factice et de misere réelle, si ce n'est pas à une chose dont nous sommes heureusement préservés que notre révolution a eloignée de nous pour un temps indefini, et que par des vues fausses et courtes on voudroit y établir.

"Ai-je besoin de nommer la grande propriété au nom de laquelle on nous prepare des innovations qui gâteraient notre avenir, et corromproient un présent auquel il ne manque que de savoir apprecier ce qu'il renferme de bon et d'honorable ? En vain vous tourmentera ez vous pour établir hors de la chambre des pairs des prééminences aristocratiques dans notre beau royaume. L'esprit de ses habitans vous repousse, et la Providence elle-même a donné un dementi a votre doctrine funeste en disséminant les propriétés. Quatre millions

d'hommes possedent aujourd'hui les terres en France ! Rendez en graces au ciel, dont la sagesse assure ainsi le repos des temps qui dorment encore dans les saintes obscurités de ses décrets. N'allez pas hâter les jours de la dissolution des empires par la puissance de quelques-uns, et le dénuement hideux du plus grand nombre. Voyez la lepre de la Grande-Bretagne-jetez les yeux sur ses deux millions de mendians, et aimez votre pays, tel qu'une puissance préservatrice la fait. Gémissez, si vous le voulez encore, sur les malheurs de notre révolution ; mais au moins recueillez en le fruit. N'a-t-il pas été assez chèrement payé pour ne pas le fouler aux pieds ? La coupe du bonheur et de la joie, après bien des peines, est presentée à beaucoup; il n'y a qu'une main méchante qui puisse repousser le vase et renverser la liqueur.'

We shall certainly not undertake the defence of our poorlaws;--they are the result of a humane but mistaken policy, grown into an intolerable abuse. Yet we must be permitted to observe, that there have been laws for the compulsory relief of the poor in all countries; and we find them at this moment in full operation in Switzerland. At Paris, however, the evil seems at its height; public documents show, that there are in that city considerably more than one hundred thousand individuals, or more than one-seventh of the whole population, who receive support from public charity; and it is, if possible, a still more appalling fact, that one-third of the inhabitants of that splendid and luxurious metropolis, dies in its hospitals. * The number of common beggars about the streets of Paris, and on the high roads of France, is beyond all comparison greater than with us.

Our elections, it is said, are corrupt.-It would be nearer the

* The Rapport au Conseil General des Hospices, &c. &c. states the number of sick admitted into the different hospitals of Paris, in 10 years, from 1804 to 1814, to have been 352,913 dead 47,861 Those admitted into the different hospices! 50.464 dead 12,577 during the same period

403,377 60,438 Another official rapport for the two last years, shows a great increase. 42,442 individuals have been admitted in the different hospitals and hospices of the capital in the year 1818. 7043 have died; and the total number of deaths at Paris has been 22,382. In 1819, 7,310 have died in the hospitals and hospices, out of a total number of deaths at Paris of 22,137.

The number of individuals more or less assisted at public expense at Paris, has been for the first period of 10 years, 104,000 annually; in 1818, the number was 108,742, including 17,227 foundlings.

truth to call them inconsistent, irregular and strange; and we are very far from saying that the system does not require improvement: yet when foreigners, who profess liberal opinions in politics, see such members as Mr Tierney, Mr Brougham, and Sir James Mackintosh, returned for boroughs in the immediate dependence of the high aristocracy, they might pause before they ventured to pass an indiscriminate censure upon anomalies that frequently lead to such results. Their own mode of elections has certainly not the rust of antiquity to plead in extenuation of any of its defects; yet we are told that Corsica, with less than forty electors, sends two members to the Chamber of Deputies, while Paris, with nine thousand electors, sends only eight; that the Department of the Basses Pyrenées, with less than four hundred electors, sends three members, while the Tarn, with more than 1200 electors, sends only two; and many other strange, but harmless irregularities, in the application of the law.

As to our mobs and riots, again, it is obvious to remark, that a people constantly agitated by the publication of all sorts of opinions, and among whom every demagogue is at liberty to fling his firebrand--a people fully aware of its own importance; naturally impatient of any superior, and laudably jealous of power-may run into excesses of which the ready slaves of any tyrant who shows them the point of a bayonet can have no notion. Artificers, too, long accustomed to a plentiful and luxu• rious mode of living, may become unruly and factious, when the sources of their enjoyments happen to be momentarily dried up, by events out of the power of man to control. If the latter had never known the indulgences of wealth, and the former never felt the pride of independence, they would bear their evils in silence, like the poor and the oppressed of other countries. Foreigners are apt to be misled by what they read in our newspapers, or hear from our own travellers. Complaints against the Government, and dismal forebodings about the loss of liberty, are nowhere so frequent and so loud as in those countries where there is on the whole the least reason for such apprea hensions.

One half of the population of France are proprietors of the soil, while little more than one sixth of ours are so. We have already admitted this superiority of our neighbours over us, and wish the salutary measure of the restoration of cottages and garden ground, which have alınost disappeared, may be extensively adopted by our great landed proprietors, in order that the situation of their labourers may be assimilated to that of the French peasantry, as far as is desirable. It is, however, well worth observing, and every impartial observer acquainted with

VOL. XXXIV. NO. 67.

the two countries will admit, that the respective dwellings of our agricultural labourers, and the French proprietors, form a striking contrast, in point of neatness and comfort, wholly in favour of the former. The difference, however, is easily explained: nearly the whole time of the English labourer's wife is dedicated to domestic employments; while the wife of the French proprietor labours with him in the fields : the latter, in looks and manners, might be taken for the servant of the former. The fact is, that the far greatest number of the French proprietors are not much better off than our labourer, the salutary feeling of property excepted. The further subdivision of that property, already so divided, threatens the most serious consequences; such as the total want of capital for any improvement—the total want of resources in years of scarcity—the difficulty of finding individuals with sufficient leisure, and in circumstances sufficiently independent, to accept offices of public trust without emolument, or for whom the emolument would not become the first and only object. The class of landed proprietors, thus lowered, will become more and more subordinate to the trading and manufacturing class, which will be at no very distant period the only governing class in France.

The general application of the principle of the division of labour, and the rapid improvements of machines, may have multiplied the produce of our industry faster than the reduced markets of the world required, and encouraged our manufacturing population beyond the safe and permanent means of subsistence. The system of large farms, preferable undoubtedly on the score of net proceeds, may also have repressed our rural population too suddenly; but the same spirit which led to the excessive application of wholesome principles, will infallibly correct the abuse of them. We think ourselves warranted in saying, that most of the abuses and troublesome results of our institutions, may be traced directly to some principle of exuberant vigour shooting beyond the mark; they are the price we pay for overbalancing advantages the wrong side of a good government; and the reasoning of those who condemn them on that account, would prove, if admitted, that a bad government is the best!

The Constituent Assembly wanted to give France a monarchy without intermediate powersma Royal democracy—the very name implying a false conception of the thing. A republic followed of course; and what republic, every body knows ! The same idea is still afloat in the same heads in France. Those among them who tolerate a constitutional aristocracy, maintain that the - Chamber of Peers is that aristocracy. These Peers have beers

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