The Rights of Man, part first, was published in London, in March, 1791, and gained as much popularity in England, as his Common Sense had in the United States.

In February, 1792, the second part of the Rights of Man was published in London. In May, of the same year, the king issued a proclamation for suppressing all "seditious and libellous works;" designating none, but evidently aiming at the Rights of Man. The attorney-general commenced a prosecution the same day against Paine, as the author.

His trial was to come on the following December. In September, preceding, a French deputation announced to him his election to the national convention, from the department of Calais. He immediately left England; but his trial came on as if he were present-for libellous passages in the Rights of Man, and of course a verdict of guilty was rendered. It is never very difficult for the British government, in state prosecutions, to have a verdict awarded in its favor.

In the national convention, Paine voted for the trial of Louis XVI. and, on the trial, delivered a speech in favor of preserving his life.

The French convention, in December, 1793, passed a decree for the expulsion of all members from it who were foreigners by birth; and by consequence Paine was expelled. This decree was followed by another the same month, for imprisoning every man in France who was born in England. Under this decree he was thrown into prison. He had just finished the first part of the Age of Reason, which he left with Mr. Barlow, when he was arrested. His confinement lasted eleven months, from Dec. 1793, to Nov. 1794. After his liberation, he found an asylum in the house of Mr. Monroe, the American minister in France, where he continued eighteen months. He resumed his seat in the national convention, on the invitation of that body.

His next work was a pamphlet On the English system of Finance, published April, 1796. In July following, he published his Letter to general Washington.

In October, 1796, he published the second part of the Age of Reason, and in the year following, a Letter to the hon. Thomas Erskine, a pamphlet entitled Agrarian Justice, and a Letter to the people and armies of France. This was his last publication in France.

Paine now wished to return to the United States, which was no easy matter: the fleets of Great Britain covered the ocean, having received orders to search for him in all vessels leaving France. He made arrangements for accompanying Mr. Monroe home, which circumstances, fortunately for him, prevented; as the vessel in which he embarked was boarded by a British frigate, and strictly searched. After a number of unsuccessful attempts to procure a safe passage, he finally succeeded, and arrived at Baltimore, Oct. 30, 1802. From thence he went to Washington,

where he continued five or six months. While there he wrote several letters, addressed To the people of the United States.

Besides the works here enumerated, Paine was the author of several minor productions, and among them a number of pieces of poetry; the best of which are the monody On the death of general Wolfe, and the Castle in the Air.

In May, 1803, he went to New-York, with the intention of residing there. His estate in New-Rochelle, West Chester county, had greatly increased in value during his absence of fourteen years. Here, and in the city of New-York, he resided till his death, which occurred in the latter place. He was removed to New-Rochelle, and buried on his estate, and this inscription, at his own request, placed on his tombstone. "Thomas Paine, author of Common Sense: died June 8th, 1809, aged 72 years and 5 months."

Probably no man ever was more abused by writers than Thomas Paine. Nothing like an impartial history of his life and writings has been published: he seems, according to his biograpners, a rara avis—a man without one good quality; who lived more than seventy years without ever performing one good action with a good intention. Some occurrences, on which it would be ridiculous in men of sense not to bestow praise, they have, wisely for their plan, passed slightly over. But invariably, where there was room to hang a doubt, they have attributed the worst of motives to him.

That his publications during the American revolution, were of eminent service to this country, cannot be disputed. And although now every one is familiar with, and advocates the sentiments contained in them, it should be recollected that they were nearly original, and dangerous to be acknowledged at that time. When Common Sense was written, it was very difficult to get any one in Philadelphia who would run the risk of printing it. A Scotchman was at last induced to undertake it.

Some of our greatest men have borne testimony to the efficacy of this work. Among them, Ramsay, in his History of the Revolution, says "Nothing could have been better timed than this performance, (Common Sense.) In unison with the feelings and sentiments of the people, it has produced surprising effects. Many thousands were convinced, and were led to approve and long for a separation from the mother country." And Gordon says, "No publication has so much promoted the spirit of independency as Common Sense. It has produced most astonishing effects."

The numbers of the Crisis were intended to invigorate the spirits of the Americans; show the necessity of a strict union of the states; the importance of combined operations;—or ridicule the attempts of Great Britain to subjugate this country while so united. Among the latter, the one addressed to lord Howe stands conspicuous, as a most finished piece of sarcastic rebuke.

Of his European political publications, much has been and may be said. That the government of Great Britain was then, and is now, corrupt-that the great body of the people are oppressed for the benefit of the few-that the people in fact have no influence in the administration; being always oppressed by a large majority of members in both houses of parliament bought for the purpose-and that they are borne down to the dust by taxation, is well known to those who wish to know it.

Paine's object was to open the eyes of the people to a proper sense of their rights. To prove to them that it was lawful to remove any and every one from office when they ceased to act for the good of the community. To show them that a king, if tolerated at all, was the servant of a people, bound to direct their affairs with a view to their best interests, and not waste their wealth, and sacrifice their lives, in foreign intrigues and wars, for his individual fame.

That his writings on this subject tended to, and came very near producing, a revolution in that country, is certain. And nothing but a complete revolution can reinstate the people in their rights. Petitions and remonstrances are worse than useless, as has been seen in innumerable instances, and among the number, North America was one: all the ability of the country was put in requi sition to supplicate for a redress of grievances, and what was the result? Derision and contempt. Inveterate diseases cannot be cured by the application of milk and water; the remedy must be proportioned to their virulence.

The foregoing, with some slight omissions, is copied from a sketch prefixed to the political writings of Mr. Paine, published at Charlestown, Mass. in 1824. The writer, although he has given correct outlines of the author's life, does not seem to be aware of the different productions which have appeared upon the subject.

Two impartial memoirs of his life were published in London, in 1819, which do ample justice to his character and writings. One by W. T. Sherwin, 8vo. pp. 232. The other by Thomas Clio Rickman, including some miscellaneous pieces of Paine Svo. pp. 277.

Mr. Sherwin makes the following remarks in the preface to his work:

"Two lives of Mr. Paine have already appeared. The first of these was published about twenty-seven years ago, and purports to be the production of Francis Oldys, A. M. of the University of Philadelphia.' This work, though written with some ability. is filled with falsehoods which detect themselves. and

, consequently, need no refutation. It is, therefore, only necessary to state, that Francis Oldys' was a fictitious name, adopted with no other view than that of giving currency to the book; that the real author was George Chalmers, at that period one of the clerks of the board of plantations; and that he was employed by lord Hawksbury, (now called earl of Liverpool,) to write the work, for which he was to receive five hundred pounds, in the event of his executing it to the satisfaction of his employer. These facts have been admitted by the anonymous assassin, Chalmers himself, and they require no comment.

"The second life of Mr. Paine is the production of an Engfish emigrant, of the name of Cheetham. This was published at New-York, in 1809. The writer, exclusive of his being a treacherous apostate, was an illiterate blockhead; his misrepresentations have not even the dress of decent language to recom anend them, and the frequent contradictions with which the book abounds, must entitle it to the contempt of every reader.

"Such are the persons who have attempted to blacken the reputation of one of the most enlightened and benevolent men that ever lived. I trust the reader will find that I have adopted a very different course; that I have paid a scrupulous attention to truth, and that, without considering whether it made for or against the subject I was writing upon.

"Nearly ten years have elapsed since the death of Mr. Paine. An authentic account of his life cannot, therefore, be considered premature. Besides which, it is presumed that the last ten years have afforded some opportunities of trying the strength of his opinions. The pressure of public calamity has rendered those principles popular, which the mere force of reasoning could not; and however gloomy appearances may have hitherto been, there is now, it is to be hoped, some prospect that 'truth will force its way even to thrones.'"

It is evident that the writer of the previous sketch had seen no other life of our author than the infamous production, above noticed, of James Cheetham; which, although it furnishes dates of his publications and eventful periods of his life, falsifies and perverts every motive by which he was actuated. Cheetham incorporates the fictions of the spurious Francis Oldys, with his own farrage of disgusting absurdities. Par nobile fratrum.

As this work has had an extensive circulation, it will not be amiss, that the public may be enabled to estimate his credibility, to say a few words respecting the character of this calumniator. James Cheetham arrived in this country about six or seven years before Mr. Paine's return from France. He had been persecuted for some acts hostile to the government, and came here a flaming democrat. He was a man of limited education, a hatter by trade; in which business he established himself in this city.

Smarting from the mortification he had met with in his own

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country, and being naturally vindictive, he entered violently into the party squabbles of that day; and possessing a large share of impudence, joined to talents adapted to abusive personal warfare in the conflicts of party, he soon brought himself into some notice. His having been prosecuted by the government of England for political causes, contributed, in some measure, to raise him in the estimation of the party to which he attached himself. They looked upon him as a persecuted patriot, and felt disposed to promote his interest. În fine, David Deniston took him into partnership in a newspaper establishment, called "The Citizen." Of this he became the principal editor.

On Mr. Paine's arrival, he immediately paid his court to him, professing to be an enthusiastic admirer of his principles, political and religious. He took an active part in procuring subscribers to a public dinner, given in honor of Mr. Paine, at the city hotel; and, soon after, invited him, with a number of friends, to dine at his own house.

A friendly intercourse subsisted between them as long as Cheetham adhered to the cause he had espoused. But the latter was at length induced to turn his malignant pen against the administration of Mr. Jefferson. He attacked the then existing embargo, in the most virulent manner, roundly charging the government with being under French influence.

In consequence of the part taken by him upon this occasion: he was expelled from the Tammany society; and a public meeting was called in the Park, of citizens friendly to the measures of the government, and his paper was declared to be no longer the organ of the republican party.

Upon this, Cheetham made a most vehement attack upon Mr. De Witt Clinton, who, by his own solicitation, had presided at that meeting, explicitly charging him with advising the course which had led to his degradation. His rage was levelled equally against the whole republican party, stigmatizing them, as is the custom of vulgar minds, with ridiculous epithets, such as Martling-men, from the name of the person who kept the house in which they held their meetings, and the place itself, the pig-sty.

Finding, at length, that his raving produced little effect; that he could induce but few of those with whom he had formerly acted to join his standard, and that the party which had acted uniformly against the administration of Jefferson, although they loved the treason, despised the traitor, he made up his mind to return to England; and was actually, a little before his death, making arrangements for that purpose. He declared it to be his intention to publish a paper in England, in support of the government against Cobbett, who was then advocating the popular cause. To prepare for himself a favorable reception, he affected to pay great respect to religion; which drew from Paine the following remark, that "Cheetham was a hypocrite in religion, and a John Bill in politics." His abuse of Paine, as he confessed to an