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which were adopted and treated as a part of it. It thus appears that the necessary steps had been taken for reorganization in Louisiana and Arkansas, and in all the other seceding States, those pointed out as in Mr. Lincoln's plan of July 13, 1864. In nearly every case the radical Republicans thwarted the necessary proceedings as far as practicable. From July 4, 1864, to March, 1867, a period of almost three years, Congress passed no law on the subject of restoration or reorganization. But they refused to admit Senators or members from any secession State, thus leaving every thing in the utmost confusion. The act of the 3d of March 1867, was followed by another on the same subject on the 23d, and a further one on the 19th of July of the same year. These three acts have the same objects, and the last two are intended to render the first more effective. They are designed to secure such a reconstruction as will make the secession States Republican, under the control of negroes, through the agency of the Freedmen's Bureau, and Republican employés of the Government. Even in Virginia, the old government of which Peirpont, a Republican, was Executive, seems to have been reduced to the ranks, and compelled to seek such reorganization as the negroes may permit. These three acts passed by Congress were so framed as to exclude from voting and office nearly all the former resident white men, and confer the control upon negroes and the canting new-comer white men. The whole has been put under the control of the military tyranny which exists there, above the direction of the President and the control of the people, even at the ballot-box. The names of negroes who are mere myths are registered for the purpose of voting, and many having an actual existence do not know by what name they were registered; while thousands of white men, always loyal and true, are thrust aside and not permitted to register their names, unless they promise to become the tools of the Republican party.

The conventions called have been largely filled by negroes whose ignorance is painful to the observer, if not uncomfortable to themselves. The constitution framed by a pepper-andsalt convention in Alabama has been rejected, by not receiving a majority of the registered voters. The next step probably will

be for Congress to admit the State with a rejected constitution, which will, at no distant day, end in rejecting Republicanism and all its works in that State. The absurdities and inequalities of this Alabama constitution are thus exposed by Governor Parsons:

"The convention has provided for a Senate and House of Representatives, the former to be composed of thirty-three Senators, and the latter of one hundred Representatives. They proceed to apportion representation upon the basis of fifty-nine counties in the State, entirely omitting three of the sixty-two counties into which the State is divided. To thirty-five of these fifty-nine counties, with 208,282 whites, and 111,159 blacks, in all 391,441, they have apportioned one Representative each. To the remaining twenty-four counties, with 152,407 whites, and 328,310 blacks, in all 580,717, they have given sixty-five votes. If representation had been apportioned to the entire population of the State in the same ratio awarded to the eight counties to which three Representatives were given, the House of Representatives would have consisted of one hundred and twenty-eight Representatives, instead of one hundred. On the other hand, if the same ratio of Representatives were awarded to thirty-five counties where the white population predominates over the black more than two to one, the House of Representatives would have been composed of eighty-eight instead of one hundred members. Thus it is made apparent that there is a difference of forty per cent. between the ratio of representation in the eight counties where the black population predominates and the thirty-five counties where the white population outnumbers the blacks more than two to one."

This shows to what length the Republicans will go in order to perpetuate their ascendency. There is not even a pretence of equality or fairness in this distribution of representation. There are other things in this rejected constitution that are little inferior in absurdity and injustice to those mentioned.

But bad as the Alabama production is, the convention, called under these reorganization laws, in Arkansas, excels it. It is thus described by that calm and truthful paper, the Journal of Commerce:

"It combines the extremes of freedom and tyranny to an extent hard to parallel in history. After giving the ballot to women

and negroes, and making them competent for jury duty, it proceeds to declare how voting shall be done on the new constitution. Voters are required to swear that they have never given aid to secession in any State. This offers a premium to perjury, or shuts the door of repentance and reformation against those who have erred; and is of itself a monstrous instance of injustice. Not satisfied with this, the framers of the constitution clap a muzzle upon every man's mouth by requiring him to swear that he accepts for all time the social and political equality of the white and black races, not merely the 'political,' observe, but the 'social!' But the essential despotism of this new constitution reaches the climax when, after insisting on all these qualifications for voting, it disfranchises all persons who shall vote against the new consti tution. We match this against any thing that can be found in the previous history of the world."

The Tennessee constitution is but little better, and it is probable that other constitutions will be found to contain some equally absurd propositions. But these are sufficient to show to what extremes Republicans will go to preserve their power. Not a Republican paper or speaker, as far as we know, has condemned these outrages upon the rights of man. If they do not openly praise the actors in these matters, they doubtless secretly applauded the effort to accomplish what they desire done. How long the American people will permit such abuses for such purposes, rests with them. We are no advocates of military tyranny; but even that, under respectable, well-informed, and honest officers, is preferable to the negro tyranny sought to be fastened upon the South through these reconstruction conventions. What the Republicans will next propose, remains to be seen. They are now too busy in trying to convict and depose the President to attend to reconstruction. When that work shall be completed, a new chapter will be acted.

123.-THE AMERICAN PRESS AND THE TELEGRAPH.

The first amendment of the national Constitution wisely forbids Congress to abridge the freedom of speech and of the press. During Mr. Lincoln's administration both these privileges were violated without even the formality of a law, and Congress passed

indemnity laws to protect those guilty of violating these rights. The press is an immense power in this country, consisting of papers of little consideration and those of the highest and most useful character. In many, the best capacity and highest characters are laboriously and conscientiously employed in ascertaining and publishing the truth, and in developing and disseminating the true principles of government. There is a wide difference between a sheet of news-portions of which may be without foundation -and a dignified and conscientious journal that labors to give its readers reliable facts and safe political principles, both tending to enlighten and benefit mankind.

Error once diffused through the telegraph is seldom corrected. This instrument, the work of scientific minds for ages, now made practically useful, chiefly by Professors Henry and Morse, both Americans, has been of immense service during the war, and continues to be so since the proclamation of peace. But this scientific instrument is made the vehicle of much error and many falsehoods, in the form of mere news, which bad men circulate for mischievous, and mostly for political purposes. During the Kansas troubles, falsehoods constituted the rule and truth the exception. This was so during the war, as was seen when General Pope telegraphed that he had won a victory at the second battle of Bull Run, when he had been defeated. Since the war, the telegraph has been the vehicle of more falsehoods than truths, from the South, sent by Freedmen's Bureau agents, military men, and others in the interest of the Republicans, for political effect. Grave speeches and fiery newspaper articles have been based on such information, when they were mere myths-the creation of the brain of some reckless partisan, willing to live by framing and circulating falsehoods which disgrace the nation. Our political contests call into service many such pens. We know of no remedy for these evils, but their injurious effects can be avoided to a con siderable extent, by carefully scrutinizing and weighing all such in telligence, and by patronizing and relying only upon papers conducted by able, careful, and candid men. We have in mind now an instance when in March, 1857, about eleven years since, a falsehood was telegraphed from Washington to all parts of the

country, which is still believed by a large portion of our people. The telegraph stated, and the Republican papers throughout the country, on the strength of it, declared that Chief-Justice Taney had, in the Dred Scott case, "decided that negroes had no rights that the white man was bound to respect." This has been a text for eleven years for the Republican party-its press and speakers -upon which to condemn and denounce him, and the party of which he was a member. Although its truth has been constantly denied, that party has persisted in the repetition of the charge. We know this charge to be untrue in letter and spirit. The Chief Justice neither held, believed, nor wished any thing of the kind. He had inherited a large number of slaves; he educated those that were capable of acquiring education, and gave all, who would accept it, their freedom, and supported, during life, those who, unable. to support themselves, chose to remain with him. He preferred

hiring labor to holding slaves. To misrepresent a judicial act of such a man is unpardonable, whatever the motive may be. With most of those who disseminated the charge there is no excuse, because they could have read what he did say in the Book of Reports, and then correct their error if it were unintentional. But, instead of doing this, the false charge followed that eminent and good man to his grave. The words quoted were not a part of the rulings of the Chief Justice or court, but are found in his recitals of historical facts of former times. After stating that negroes were not made citizens by the Federal Constitution, he said: "On the contrary, they were, at that time, considered as a subordinate and inferior class of beings, who had been subjugated by the dominant race, and, whether emancipated or not, yet remained subject to their authority, and had no rights or privileges but such as those who held the power and government might choose to grant them. It is not the province of the court to decide upon the justice or injustice, the policy or impolicy, of these laws. The decision of that question belonged to the political, or lawmaking power; to those who formed the sovereignty and framed the Constitution. The duty of the Court is to interpret the instrument they have framed, with the best lights we can obtain on the subject, and to administer it as we find it, according to its

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