The

stores, in nursing, and in playing the spy, the negro rendered the secessionists important services. These were readily and cheerfully performed, they often manifesting great pride in them. These things were continued after Mr. Lincoln's proclamation down to the end of the war, to a greater or less extent. Southern negroes joined with their masters in hostile feelings toward the Yankees, whom they looked upon as meddlesome sharpers, whose manufactures and inventions were not found in practice to be as good as described.

During the war but a small portion of the Southern territory was in the actual possession of our army, and the negroes at any considerable distance from our lines did not leave their old homes to join us until after the rebellion had been substantially suppressed. Near the close of the war, when floating men from the North dared venture in the South, and the negroes made by them to believe that in all things-social and political-they would be placed on a par with or above the whites, then they commenced leaving home and feeding upon Government stores. If the number in our service depended upon the food they consumed, then it would appear very large. But this is not so. The number of fighting men in our ranks was small, and of these, the deserters' list was great. They could seldom be depended upon, except at ration-time. This is not strange. They had not been brought up to handle fire-arms or encounter them, while their vanity was so inflamed by political partisans that it was difficult to maintain subordination among, or keep them under reasonable control. Their pretended great services were heralded for political effect. But these were in fact rendered mainly by the free negroes of the North. When others came to us they were by far the most useless and most expensive troops in our service. They could not be relied upon. Since the war they have proved more dangerous to unarmed people than they were to the enemy during the war. They are now actually worse than useless, although Republican politicians puff them without limit. They take it for granted, and Congress acts upon the same assumption, that the fact of being a negro is conclusive evidence of loyalty. This theory has been acted upon in all the reconstruction proceedings in the South. The truth is,

the mass of these negroes are too ignorant and stupid to know the meaning of the term "loyalty." They will follow what they are made to believe is for their interest, whether loyal or disloyal. They are led by the worst advisers our country can produce, and easily made to believe what these men desire they should. But whoever pretends that the negroes did much fighting during the war, are now harmless among the people with arms in their hands, or are more loyal than others in the South, will, when he learns the real facts, find his mistake.

133.-PRESIDENT JOHNSON AND EDWIN M. STANTON.

When Mr. Johnson became President, one of his most unwise acts was retaining Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, not one of whom was his political friend, or a Democrat. They did not feel that they were indebted to him for the positions which they held. There was no link of friendship between them. He was looked upon as an accidental intruder; and some of them claimed to be his superior in wisdom, sagacity, and executive experience in national affairs. Among those who felt no personal respect for him was Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. It was known that Mr. Lincoln often admitted that his acts were indefensible, and contrary to law and sound policy; but said he must retain him, because he could not do without him on some special occasions, where he would do what no other man would consent to do. However he might appear, when present with him, the outside world soon came to the conclusion that Mr. Stanton did not respect or fear him, but felt free to say and do what he pleased in spite of him. He frequently dishonored his name by violating his orders. The War Department was administered in the interest of the Republican party, and not to promote that of the country. He had formerly so managed it as to reëlect a Governor in Pennsylvania, and Mr. Lincoln to the presidency. It became apparent that he intended to make like use of the department at the coming election. Although, to Mr. Johnson, he kept up a show of objection to the Tenure-of-Office Bill, it is the common belief that he was in league with the conspirators in Congress to secure its becoming a law over Mr. Johnson's veto. When that bill was enrolled

among the laws, he began to throw off restraint, and act in a manner deemed disrespectful. It also became known that he had failed to bring to the notice of Mr. Johnson a dispatch addressed to him, which, if he had done so, would have enabled him to give instructions that would have prevented the New Orleans riots. In view of these and other things, Mr. Johnson suspended him from office-reporting the suspension, and the reasons for it, to the Senate. He placed General Grant in charge of the department as acting Secretary. It was arranged with the latter, that if he was not willing to retain the office so as to allow the courts to determine Mr. Stanton's right to return, Grant should vacate in season to enable Mr. Johnson to appoint some one who would. Grant fixed upon the time of calling to inform Mr. Johnson what course he had determined to take. But he failed to fulfil this promise, although he had advised that the proper course was to go to the courts to have the question of the validity of the Tenure-of-Office Bill settled by the judiciary. In excusing himself for not conforming to the direction and his promise to the President, he foolishly entangled himself in inexcusable falsehoods. It has now become quite apparent that, from the beginning, he has been acting under the direction of Mr. Stanton, and in aid of his purposes, and that he has been made the tool of Congress to aid in their schemes. The Senate did not concur in Mr. Stanton's suspension. With an utter disregard of the interests of the army and the country, the Senate seek to force him upon the President as a member of the Cabinet, with whom he holds no intercourse, and with whom he is not even on speaking terms. It is the first time in the world that a legislature has attempted to force a spy upon a chief magistrate as a counsellor. Of course insubordination reigns through the whole army, beginning with General Grant and the Secretary, and extending to the lowest subordinates. The question naturally arises, What is the object of Mr. Stanton in clinging to the War Department? He said, when asked to resign, that considerations of public policy required him not to comply. This was simply egotistical impudence-too absurd even to be ridiculous. All know it to be true that there are many other men who are as honest, talented, and capable of

managing the affairs of the department, and as competent to advise the President in council as Mr. Stanton. If so, then it must be true that some other considerations induced his action. It is not true that the public good can be promoted by his remaining a member of a Cabinet which he never attends, simply because he is not wanted. Nor does he advise with the President or his colleagues, they having no respect for his opinions or purposes. He has never attempted to explain how the public service can be promoted by his struggle to hold office; nor what his political friends intended to have him do by remaining. Every public consideration is in favor of his quitting an office where he is on ill-terms with the chief under whom he serves, and with those about him, in consequence of which he acts without authority and advice. The circumstances warrant the belief that he has acted in concert with those in Congress who wish to thwart President Johnson in every way possible, in order to deprive him of his just powers and influence. They desire to force him to retain those Republicans in office who most fiercely denounce him. They insist that he shall appoint from the same class. They are also deeply solicitous to retain in office one who will deal kindly with their friends who wish to put their hands into the Treasury, but are more anxious to secure the power and influence of the department at the next fall election. We have no doubt of the existence of these purposes and wishes. If personally popular, it might be expected that Mr. Stanton was looking to a nomination for the presidency. But so bitter and intense is the feeling against him, even by many Republicans, that no one will imagine that he could be elected. Few civilians, and fewer still of the army, speak even respectfully of him. It therefore seems certain that he is playing a part for the benefit of those resorting to every possible means to retain the political power of the country in the hands of the Republican party.

Since writing the above, Mr. Johnson has consulted the true interests of the country, and vindicated his own constitutional rights, by doing what he ought to have done years ago, in removing Mr. Stanton from office. He directed the Adjutant-General, Lorenzo Thomas, to take charge of the department. But Sen

ators and members of Congress rushed to the department and advised him to hold on and not yield up the office, and he has refused to do so, staying there night and day, eating and sleeping in the department. He made a criminal complaint and had General Thomas arrested for accepting the appointment of acting Secretary, although he took no proceedings against General Grant, who acted under such an appointment for months. This interference of members of both Houses of Congress proves that Stanton was acting in concert with them. The President had an undoubted right to remove without the consent of the Senateevery President has exercised that right, and no one to so great an extent as Mr. Lincoln, whose nominations to fill the places of removed officials the Senate has confirmed by thousands. These removals were, to a great extent, made on the request of Senators and members. Probably there is not one Rebublican in either end of the capitol who has not made requests of this character.

Mr. Stanton is upheld in his struggle to remain in office by the whole Republican party. The Senators who declared it would be disgraceful to hold on, when the President desired a member of his Cabinet to quit, now approve the course which he pursues. Senators, who are now in session and trying the President for this removal, have been to the department and encouraged him to "stick" to an office, the duties of which he cannot half perform without consulting the President. Instead of the conspiracy which they charge against the President being true, it is now perfectly apparent that both Houses of Congress have conspired with Stanton to continue him in office against the Constitution and laws, and also against the best interests of the country. Mr. Stanton is wasting millions upon millions of public money, mostly in aid of the schemes of the Republican party to perpetuate its power, and control the business and politics of the country.

No man in this or any other country has pursued so reckless a course to continue in office, or has more abused his official power. No man has ever so perfectly blended tyranny and cowardice. He tyrannizes wherever he dares do so, and shows that he is personally afraid of shadows. He dare not walk abroad like a just man, but is hemmed around with bayonets, which no man