Question. What are your political sentiments?

Answer. I am a democrat.

Question. What were you during the war?

Answer. At the commencement of the war I was a Union man; I voted the Union ticket until Georgia went out; and when Georgia went out, I went out with her. Question. Did you vote against the ordinance of secession?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. How did you vote upon the reconstruction acts?

Answer. We had two or three of them; I think I voted for reconstruction pretty often; but I do not recollect about that now; I voted for it one time, and perhaps one time I did not.

Question. Were you beyond the military age during the war?

Answer. No, sir; I was not.

Question. Were you in the army?

Answer. No, sir; I had the appearance of being too old; but I am a much younger man now than you would take me to be.

Question. You were out of the army because you had the appearance of being over military age?

Answer. Well, I had money, and I used it to keep out.

Question. You say the negroes are more divided in their voting now than heretofore? Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. Why do they seem to be so divided?

Answer. I think it will grow more so all the time, particularly in our country, where negroes are treated as they are; I think the white people will control all their votes within five years, without any intimidation, or fear, or anything else; I think that by kind treatment and proper attention, they will get all their votes.

Question. Do you think that has been the means by which their vote has been divided, by kind treatment?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. Do you mean to say there is no intimidation or interference with their voting beyond what should be with a free suffrage?

Answer. I do not think they are a particle more interfered with than I am, not a bit.

Question. You think they were not interfered with at the last election?

Answer. I do not think they were; there may have been some threats out in the country.

Question. You seem to think there are such organizations as the Ku-Klux?
Answer. I do, indeed.

Question. What are they for?

Answer. I cannot tell you that. I have no doubt they are for mischief, though; they do mischief.

Question. Do you mean to say that you do not understand that they are for the purpose of a ecting the political sentiments of the people?

Answer. No, sir; I do not think it is a political body entirely.

Question. You are a native of this State, and a man of observation; and you must be able to say what you think they are for.

Answer. Perhaps for robbery as much as anything else, or more. That is about tho way I look at it."

Question. What have they been for?

Answer. I cannot tell you.

Question. Am I wrong in thinking, from what you say, that you mean to intimate that they are not now for all the purposes they were heretofore?

Answer. I think not.

Question. What were they for heretofore?

Answer. I think that perhaps at the start it was for good intentions that the organization was got up, and that good men belonged to it.

Question. What good intentions?

Answer. To suppress crimes; they intended to regulate those parties who cannot be brought before courts of justice. But bad men got into it and controlled it.

Question. You mean that originally they were a sort of corrective for disorders arising from the war?

Answer. That is my intention; that was my impression at the time.

Question. You have heard of their outrages?

Answer. O, yes, sir; a great many.

Question. Have you known of any prominent and active democrat being a victim of their discipline or action?

Answer. I have not, only in Walker County some time ago. I have understood since I bave come here that a democrat in Walker County was badly whipped.

Question. For what ?

Answer. I do not know.

Question. With that exception, have their victims been radicals or Union men? Answer. O, well, they have been mostly negroes, or what we term radicals. There have been very few white men abused in our county.

Question. Did you ever know of a radical or a negro belonging to the Ku-Klux?
Answer. Never in my life.

Question. How do you account, then, for the fact that

Answer. They may belong to it; I do not know who belongs to it.

Question. I am speaking of what you have heard. How do you account for the fact that no negroes or radicals belong to the Ku-Klux, and that, with the single exception you have mentioned, their victims have invariably been radicals or negroes?

Answer. I account for it in this way in the first place there are but few radicals in our county, and those that are there have not the confidence of these people. And the negroes would not be taken in, because the southern people would not equalize with

them.

Question. You mean that the radicals are not good enough to be Ku-Klux?

Answer. I mean that there are very few of them, and those that are there are of a class of people that they would not take into the organization. There are some good men in the radical party; as good as any in the world.

Question. Do you mean that the Ku-Klux are too pure to take into their organization any radicals?

Answer. No, sir; I do not mean that.

Question. What do you mean?

Answer. I mean that there are very few radicals in our country. Some of them are good men and pure men; men that I respect as much as any in the world, and I believe them to be as honest and upright as any. But I believe the Ku-Klux are generally of a low character of people, and but very few of that class belong to the radical party in our country; and if so, the Ku-Klux would not have confidence enough in them to take them in; that is what I believe.

Question. Then, on the contrary from what I have asked you, the radicals are too good men to be taken into the Ku-Klux?

Answer. Some of them are too good men. There are but few there that are low-down men; in fact, I do not know of any in our community.

Question. Were you a slave-holder before the war?

Answer. Yes, sir, I was; I expect I have owned as many slaves as any man you

ever saw.

Question. And you are now merchandising?

Ansicer. Yes, sir; I know as much about the negro, I expect, as any man in Georgia. I have owned a great many, and I have traded in them to a large extent. I had the confidence of them before the war, and during the war, and I have it now.

By Mr. SCOFIELD:

Question. Were you what is called a slave-trader?

Answer. Yes, sir; I sold slaves before the war and during the war.

By the CHAIRMAN:

Question. Were you what we used to call in this country a negro-trader?

Answer. I did pretty smart of that business during the war, but I did more before the war. During the war I had to refugee, and I traded in negroes.

Question. You spoke of some northern man who came down here and staid three months, and expressed his surprise at the hospitality and kindness that had been shown him?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. Did he engage in politics?

Answer. I do not think he did.

Question. Was he a democrat or a republican?

Answer. I do not know what he was. His name was Ratway. His brother was engaged in the Cornwall iron-works in Alabama.

Question. Have you not heard a great deal of abuse of the class of people called carpet-baggers?

Answer. Yes, sir; I have heard a great deal of abuse toward carpet-baggers.

Question. Is it not about as stigmatizing a term as you can use toward a man in your country to call him a Yankee?

Answer. I do not think it is; we have a great many Yankees among us.

Question. Is that word ever used to a man, or about him, by his friends; or is it used by his enemies?

Answer. I cannot tell about that. I know it is a name that does not sound well to the ears of southern people; you know that; it is so all through this State, through a portion of Tennessee, and all through the Southern States; it was so before the war. Question. Is it more or less now than it was then?

Answer. I think it is more so now.

Question. What is the feeling of your old rebel population toward the United States Government?

Answer. I cannot tell you that. I suppose there are some rebels in Georgia that do not particularly admire and love the United States Government; they may love the United States, but they do not love the proceedings of the Government and its laws and regulations.

By Mr. BAYARD:

Question. You spoke of a gentleman by the name of Waltermire, who lived below you; was he not an officer in the Union Army, a Union man who settled among you? Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. Has he been prosperous?

Answer. I suppose so.

Question. He was in the Union Army during the war.

Answer. I understood that he was a colonel in the Army. A good citizen would be treated as well there as in New York. Good men can come there with as much safety, in my opinion, as they can go to New York, or to any other State; that is, a good man, and a peaceable man.

By Mr. SCOFIELD:

Question. Do you not mean by "a peaceable man," a man that does not combat the opinions and prejudices and interests of the people, or of a large portion of the people? Answer. I mean this: That a man of enterprise and energy, a social, gentlemanly man of good habits, may come here, and, let his politics be what they may, would be treated as kindly and civilly as I would be, or you would be at home. I do not know, of course, your State, or your name; but I have no doubt he would be as safe in our town as he would be in your town.

Question. And could express his political sentiments, if a republican, as freely as if be were a democrat?

Answer. I think so. There is Mr. Sheibly, who lives among us. He has been a very obnoxious man, but I do not know of any violence exhibited toward him. Others have come in our midst, and introduced their money there, and seem to be satisfied; I do not know of any indignity of any kind offered to them, and I do not think any would be offered to any gentleman.

[See page 624.]

ROME, GEORGIA, October 27, 1871.

DEAR SIR: According to promise, I inclose you the general presentments of the grand jury of Floyd County, at its January term, 1871, of which I was foreman, which I submit in evidence entire, with my testimony, and more particular so from the sixth page to its close. Also, in answer to some direct interrogatories, whether or not persons of color had been arraigned and acquitted before our court, I submit the inclosed cases under the official signature of the clerk of court.

As the inclosed presentment is a document of file in the clerk's office, at your convenience please return.

Very respectfully,

Hon. HORACE MAYNARD,

W. M. SHROPSHIRE.

Chairman Committee.

We, the grand jury sworn for the first week of the January term of Floyd superior court, beg leave to make the following general presentments:

Through appropriate committees, we have examined the books of the various county officers, and find that these officers have discharged their duties faithfully, kept their books neatly and systematically, so as to be able to give to any citizen easily and with dispatch information upon county matters. The manner of indexing and numbering, originated and adopted by Mr. Ross, clerk of superior court, in keeping his books, by which he can readily point out any business of interest to the citizen, is truly com mendable, and shows not only his industry but competency to discharge his several duties.

The court-house we find to be in good condition generally, with the exception of some slight repairs needed upon the doors and windows, which we recommend to be done. The present jail is thought to be insufficient, both in extent and security, for a

county of our present and increasing population; and we therefore recommend either that the old one be repaired, with additions thereto, or a new one built.

As the ordinary's office, by placing under its jurisdiction many duties which formerly devolved on other departments, has become quite an important one, and as thereby the books of the office will necessarily increase in number and importance, we recommend the purchase of an iron safe, of sufficient capacity to hold the books, so that, in case of fire or other accident, they may be preserved.

In the poor-house we find fifteen inmates, twelve white and three colored, most of whom are old, feeble, and infirm. We therefore recommend that they be furnished with coffee at least once a day, and flour and rice occasionally, as a change of diet and an addition to their comfort. While the buildings and premises are generally in good repair, we recommend the planting of fruit-trees, the paling in of one acre for a garden, the building of a shed-room to the overseer's house to serve for a kitchen, lofts to be put in the frame cabins, and also the purchase of a good team and two or three milchcows, for the use of the institution.

The committee appointed to examine the treasurer's books report as follows:

Balance on hand and receipts since last term

According to the statements of the treasurer, there is still due about seven thousand dollars ($7,000) on the taxes of 1870.

We therefore congratulate the people of the county upon the healthy state of our finances, for, according to the showing of the treasurer, he will have sufficient funds to meet all just demands made upon him.

The subject of public roads and bridges have been duly considered, and we regard it as one of great importance to the people. While the roads are reported as generally in good condition, they yet might all be improved to a considerable extent. If those subject to road duty were required to do even half the work required by law, our highways and thoroughfares would be in much better condition, and inure not only to the comfort and benefit of travelers and teamsters, but reflect honor upon our people. We therefore respectfully recommend to the authorities to require of road commissioners a more strict compliance with the law, so as to secure, if possible, a general improvement in this regard. We call special attention to the road from Cave Spring to the Polk County line, in the direction of Cedar Town, the one from Cave Spring to Haynie's Mill, and the one from Dr. Tilley's to Thomas's Mill, as being in bad order, and requiring prompt attention. The road from Rome to Van Vert, the Pope's Ferry road, and the Bell's Ferry road all need attention. Some places need to be widened, others repaired, so as o make them passable. There being no abutments to the bridge crossing the railroad, near Forestville, it is reported in a dangerous condition, subjecting life and property to hazard, and should receive immediate attention from the proper authorities. Other bridges in the county are also needing attention. To remedy these evils, in part at least, if not entirely, we suggest to the ordinary, in issuing road commissions, to accompany them with specific instructions to the commissioners requiring them to ride over their several roads, both before and after they are worked, and exercise more watchfulness in requiring their overseers to do a sufficient amount of work to put the roads in such order as to meet the demands of the law. There certainly has been here

tofore too great laxity on the part of those whose duty it is to render this public service, and we therefore respectfully urge upon them all more strict attention to this subject. Having done with these special items, which the grand jury is always expected to examine and report upon, we beg leave to call attention to some matters of general interest to tax-payers and all citizens. Our people seem naturally, some of them unconsciously, perhaps, to have glided into an extravagant use of the public money. They seem to have lost sight of the time-honored and well-established rule, that those having charge of public funds should exercise the same vigilance, economy, and discretion in its use as if it belonged to them individually.

We venture to affirm that if public officers would exercise the same prudence and economy in the expenditure of public funds that they do in that of their families, at least half the money now used to support the government of the State as well as the several counties would be saved, and thus reduce the taxes one-half. The straightened circumstances of our people necessarily require the observance of this rule in the family, and we see no reason why it should not be in public affairs. As communities and nations are only families aggregated, the same sound discretion applies with equal force to both. We, therefore, most respectfully and earnestly call upon our people, and our public officers in particular, to revive the good old times of the past, before the war, when taxes were much lower, money more plentiful, and the country in a vastly more prosperous condition; and we invite a return to the old paths and the setting up of the old standards, by observing which greater prosperity and more happiness will be our reward.

Another subject of greater and general importance, to which we beg leave to call attention, is strict obedience to the laws.

While we mention with pride and pleasure the fact that there are but few violations of law and commissions of crime, considering the number of our population, and while peace, order, and quiet are generally prevalent in our midst, we feel it incumbent upon us as guardians of the public weal to notice some violations of law dangerous in their tendencies and hurtful to the public interests. We allude to secret, disguised parties of men, going about over the county at night for the supposed purpose of correcting existing evils in the community. As law was made in part for the punishment of offenders, and as every county has its officers sworn to execute the law, it follows, as a clear proposition, that these disguised bands are acting not only without lawful authority, but are actually offenders themselves against the laws of the land. This proposition we regard as not only clear, but incontrovertible. But we are sorry to say that in our judgment these parties do not propose to act under the law, but outside of and independent of it. They assume to take the law in their own hands and to punish those whom they may deem offenders without court or jury, without a hearing or trial, and to visit upon them such degree and kind of punishment as their bias, prejudices, or inclination may suggest. If we are correct in these statements, and we think we are, the natural tendencies and legitimate results of such organizations are dangerous and hurtful in the extreme.

They are calculated to intimidate and frighten the ignorant, weak, and helpless, to disturb the peace and quiet of the community, to render uneasy and dissatisfied the laboring population, to drive the laboring class from the country to the towns, and thus unsettle and seriously injure the farming interest, besides increasing the chances of pauperism in our towns. Even supposing their intentions to be good, their secrecy and disguise open the way for wicked and malicious persons to band themselves together for purposes of theft, plunder, violence, and bloodshed, and thus the harm growing out of their organization outweighs the good they propose to accomplish. But such is the malice and revenge known to lurk in the human heart that when such occasions are offered, under circumstances so favorable to the gratification of the bad passions, the innocent and good are very liable to suffer. Therefore, when we consider the erroneous foundation upon which these organizations rest, their unauthorized, hasty, and ex parte proceedings, their pandering to all the evil passions of the human heart, the dangerous precedents they set up, and the untold evils of every kind which must finally result to the community, the family, the helpless women and children, to the labor of the country, and to every interest dear to us as a people, we feel it our duty as grand jurors to condemn in unqualified terms all such organizations, and urgently call upon all good citizens to discourage, discountenance, and frown down all such, and use their influence to banish them from among us. And we even go so far as to recommend any person or persons, if any there be in our county, who may belong to such secret bands to abandon them at once and throw their influence in favor of vindicating and enforcing the laws.

In conclusion we beg leave to commend and indorse the conduct of Justice Perry in his courage, firmness, and promptness in issuing a warrant for the arrest of parties supposed to be guilty of an assault, with intent to murder, upon the person of an innocent negro, who was shot in Rome on Friday night, the 13th instant. His conduct on this occasion is worthy of honorable mention, and we take pleasure in giving to it our unqualified indorsement. In taking leave of his honor, Judge Harvey, we take