rejected candidates of the American Board. We speak with confidence, for when, as in the present matter, the issue is a moral one, one example is as good as twenty. It reveals the situation all round. Consecration, if it be true and honorable, and persisted in, cannot fail of its end. Who will take the responsibility of thwarting a truly consecrated man in his purpose? What church would refuse to aid and encourage one of its members, if in all ways qualified, in his determination to preach Christ to those who know Him not, what council would refuse to ordain, who would forbid his support, what missionary would withhold the right hand of fellowship? There is but one way in which the proscriptive policy of the Board can be made effective, and that is by the suppression of the missionary spirit among the young men and women whom it would reject from its service. Whoever ought to be, and wishes to be, a missionary will have the opportunity to be one by the providence of God working through the heart and will of the churches. We ask the question, therefore, which we have proposed in the light of the alternative which presents itself. And we ask the question in good faith that we may know, in common with others, what advice to give in particular cases. Very much depends upon the practical answer which will be given at the meeting to be held in New York, for in the nature of the case an answer will be made by some action or by inaction. We offer a single suggestion not in the way of advice, for the responsibility now rests upon the majority in the interest of frankness and sincerity. If any action is proposed looking toward a change of policy, let it be made explicit. The resolutions of the Board embodying its proscriptive policy were explicit, the vote retaining the Home Secretary was explicit, the decision of the Prudential Committee in rejecting Mr. Noyes was explicit. In the face of such action no merely conciliatory words of a general character can be of avail. Conciliation of this kind has been tried and has signally failed. The letter of the President of the Board, in which, after weeks of deliberation, he accepted the office to which he had been elected, was evidently written in a conciliatory spirit. But of what use has it proved as a basis of agreement, or as a means of bringing young men into honorable relations to the Board? What has it accomplished, what could it accomplish, to heal the breach? Who among young men has been persuaded by it to offer himself to the Board? The time is past for all words which cannot be made good in official acts. Invitations which do not insure a generous reception are no longer deceptive, but they are worthless. If the Board is not ready to open its doors to the young men from the more liberal seminaries of the denomination, but shall continue to treat them with suspicion, and refuse to receive them on a theological basis as catholic as that which exists among Congregational churches and ministers, it will in every way be better that they should meanwhile make their appeal directly to the churches. SOCIAL ECONOMICS. THE OUTLINE OF AN ELECTIVE COURSE OF STUDY. FOR the full outline, and for general authorities to be used under Section I, see January number, pp. 85, 86. SECTION I. THE SOCIAL EVOLUTION OF LABOR. Topic 8. American Labor as affected by Slavery and Immigration. SUB-TOPICS WITH NOTES. 1. The importation of Africans the first disturbing effect from without upon American labor. Its continuous effects. "The tradition of Slavery dishonors the race, and the peculiarity of the race perpetuates the tradition of Slavery. No African has ever voluntarily emigrated to the shores of the New World, whence it follows that all the blacks who are now found there are either slaves or freedmen. Thus the negro transmits the eternal mark of his ignominy to all his descendants, and although the law may abolish slavery, God alone can obliterate the traces of its existence." De Tocqueville, "Democracy in America,” vol. ii. p. 458. The growth of the negro population prior to the first census, according to Bancroft, was as follows: 2. The intrenchment of Slavery in the industrial life of the country at the adoption of the Constitution. "The compromises on the slavery question, inserted in the Constitution, were among the essential conditions upon which the Federal government was organized. If the African slave trade had not been permitted to continue for twenty years, if it had not been conceded that three fifths of the slaves should be counted in the apportionment of representatives in Congress, if it had not been agreed that fugitives from service should be returned to their owner, the Thirteen States would not have been able in 1787 to form a more perfect union." " Blaine, "Twenty Years in Congress," vol. i. p. 1. Contrast, however, the sentiment in regard to the slave trade, as shown by the following petition of the legislature of the colony of Virginia to the King in 1772: "The importation of slaves into the colonies from the coast of Africa hath long been considered as a trade of great inhumanity; and, under its present encouragement, we have too much reason to fear, will endanger the very existence of your Majesty's American dominions. We are sensible that some of your Majesty's subjects in Great Britain may reap emoluments from this sort of traffic, but when we consider that it greatly retards the settlement of the colonies with more useful inhabitants, and may in time have the most destructive influence, we presume to hope that the interest of a few will be disregarded, when placed in competition with the security and happiness of such numbers of your Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects. Deeply impressed with these sentiments, we most humbly beseech your Majesty to remove all those restraints on your Majesty's governors of this colony which inhibit their as senting to such laws as might check so very pernicious a commerce.” — Bancroft, "History of the United States," vol. vi. pp. 414, 415. It should be said in explanation of the above extract that Southern feeling was not the same in regard to the slave trade and in regard to Slavery, and that the newer Southern states at the adoption of the Constitution were urgent for the continuance of the slave trade till they should be stocked with laborers.1 3. The economic contrast between the free and slave states.' 4. The economic effect of the political supremacy of the slaveholding states through the generation preceding the rebellion. 5. The effect of immigration in counteracting the industrial results of slavery, especially in transferring political supremacy to the nonslaveholding states. "It is well known that two influences, neither of which could have been foreseen, have changed these conditions and brought the whole continent under the subjection of sixty millions people. These two things are railroads and foreign immigration on a large scale. Railroads began to be built in 1830; and the foreign immigration which began to be considerable as early as 1820, acquired immense proportions in the forties and fifties. These two things have given us the labor-force necessary to subdue the wilderness and the means of placing this labor-force exactly where it is most needed and most profitable. Both of them have been necessary, and without them it is utterly improbable that we could have attained the place we now hold. We owe our position as one of the great nations of the world to these two things, and to immigration as much as to railroads. It would be easy also to point out what an important influence this immigration of free laborers, coming as they did overwhelmingly to the Northern States, has had on our internal politics, especially in settling the question of slavery." - Professor Richmond M. Smith in "Political Science Quarterly," March, 1888, P. 48. The three papers on The Control of Immigration, contributed by Professor Smith, in the March, June, and September numbers of the "Political Science Quarterly" for 1888, are of the highest value in the current discussions of Immigration. 6. The rate of immigration as affecting the relative proportion between the native and foreign population. Study at this point is valuable in showing the bearing of immigration upon subsistence and employment.3 7. The character of immigration as affecting the labor market. Statistics of the United States show that three fourths of the immigrants are unskilled laborers. Immigration from 1873-1886, classified by occupation, is as follows: Professional, 31,803; Skilled, 587,349; Miscellaneous, 2,052,294; occupation not stated, 128,782; without occupation, 2,596,188. Evidently the total of "miscellaneous" is to be added to that of "without occupation." The absence of skilled labor in any large degree leaves the trades comparatively unaffected. The amount of unskilled labor cheapens the lower grades of labor.* 8. The effect of immigration on pauperism and crime. 1 Curtis, History of Constitution of United States, vol. ii. pp. 285-290. 2 Von Holst, Constitutional History of the United States, vol. i., chaps. 9, 10. Congressional Debates on Missouri Compromise and on Annexation of Texas. See article by Dr. Edward Jarvis in The Atlantic, April, 1872, on Immigra tion. 4 See Reports of the Special Committee of the House of Representatives on Immigration, Mr. Ford, chairman. 5 See Report of Fourteenth National Conference of Charities and Correction. 9. The relation of artisans trained abroad to the development of home industries, and to the organization of trades-unions.1 10. Is immigration necessary to the further development of the resources and industries of the country? REFERENCES. Democracy in America. De Tocqueville. Constitutional History of the United States. Von Holst. History of the Constitution of United States. Curtis. The Federalist. Congressional Debates on Missouri Compromise, and on Annexation of Texas. The United States Census of 1880. State Reports of Labor Bureaus. United States Reports of Labor Bureau. Reports of National Conference of Charities and Corrections. Report of Special Committee of House of Representatives on Immigration. Political Science Quarterly, March, June, September, 1888. Professor Smith. Atlantic Monthly, April, 1872. Dr. Jarvis. ANDOVER. Professor Bemis. William Jewett Tucker. BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES. FREEDOM OF MIND IN WILLING, or Every Being that Wills a Creative First Cause. 8vo, pp. xxxvi, 468. 1889. — ČAUSATION AND FREEDOM IN WILLING, together with Man a Creative First Cause, and Kindred Papers. 8vo, pp. v, 375. 1889. ESSAY ON LANGUAGE, and other Essays and Addresses. 8vo, pp. xiii, 400. 1889.- - ECONOMICS AND POLITICS, a series of papers upon Public Questions, written on Various Occasions from 1840 to 1885. 8vo, pp. iv, 405. 1889. By ROWLAND GIBSON HAZARD, LL. D. Edited by his Granddaughter, CAROLINE HAZARD. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1889. $2.00 each. The collected writings of the late Rowland G. Hazard have a double interest. They are valuable contributions to the discussion of various subjects, and they are the prolific literary labors of a man who all his life was actively engaged in business. Two of the four volumes are devoted to theories of freedom and causation in human action, and are a careful re-edition of previously published works on that subject. Mr. Hazard's high reputation as a metaphysician rested on the elaborate and profound arguments which are collected in these volumes. A careful estimate of his theory of freedom was prepared for this REVIEW by the late Professor George I. Chace and printed in one of the early numbers. The other two volumes are a collection of miscellaneous essays and addresses on various subjects in literature, politics and economics. Temperance, the Fugitive Slave Law, the Tariff, the Currency, Manufactures, Lan1 See Massachusetts Reports of Bureau of Statistics of Labor, Carroll D. Wright. guage, the Bible are among the topics which drew out his original thoughts. One of the most noteworthy chapters is that on the Bible. It was written more than forty years ago, but was never published till now. The occasion of it was the sermon of Theodore Parker on "The Permanent and the Transient in Christianity" which created so great a stir. Mr. Hazard then wrote out, apparently for his own satisfaction, some of his candid opinions about the origin and authority of the books of the Bible, and at several points anticipated some of the recent results of Biblical criticism. The paper, if it had been composed recently, would be received as the intelligent and rather advanced thought of an evangelical believer. If it had been published at the time of its composition, it would have been regarded by many as thoroughly inimical to Christianity. Several of the essays have, indeed, this distinct value that they indicate the contrast between the current beliefs of the present and a former time. They carry us into the opinions and modes of thought of the preceding generation, while they anticipate many changes of opinion which were subsequently wrought out. The style is of that periodic structure, sustained and elaborate, which reminds one of English writers of the last century. The sketch of the author's life and of his habits of action and thought is extremely well drawn by Miss Caroline Hazard, his granddaughter, by whom the four volumes are edited. He lived somewhat apart from men as to direct intercourse. He was seldom seen walking the streets or going back and forth in the train chatting with a companion, but was almost always alone. Yet few men live so urgently as he did in the activity and development of their own times. Few are so alive to the great moral and intellectual issues of society. Few exhibit a broader patriotism and philanthropy. George Harris. AMERICAN STATESMEN. GEORGE WASHINGTON. BY HENRY CABOT LODGE. Vol. I., pp. vi, 341. Vol. II., pp. 388. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1889. $2.50. Mr. Lodge, in this biography, sometimes strains more in his style than is quite agreeable. It is hardly a reproach against him that he is not always quite au niveau of such a subject. But as respects his two main objects, he has well accomplished his purpose. One is, to show that Washington was far from being such a desiccated Cromwell as Carlyle is willing to imagine, but was a youth, and a man, full of red blood, of warm, intense feelings, of love, friendship, and patriotism, for which he has never yet had worthy credit on account of his almost unexampled, almost excessive habit, indeed, of self-control. The other end proposed is, to bring out how, from 1775 until 1789, to say nothing of his presidency, the quiet but incessant activity of Washington was the thread of unity, first in our military, and then in our civil history, without which it bade fair to tumble apart into irredeemable incoherency. Mr. John Fiske has lately brought this out for the time of civil anarchy; Mr. Lodge brings out with thorough success Washington's silent energy throughout the war. The comparison of Washington with Fabius has overclouded his just reputation, for Washington was Cunctator in the main only because Congress and the States tied up his hands from any other policy. The true man is seen in the Jersey campaign and in the Yorktown cam |